Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
A report addressed to the Chief from Paris on the 7th of December
contains the following particulars respecting Beust’s visit and the
French _revanche_ idea:--“Count Beust called upon me on his way to
London, having first had an interview with M. Thiers. His impression
of the Government here was that, even in foreign affairs, it was not
so judicious as was generally believed. I did not conceal from the
Count the view which I have already expressed to your Serene Highness,
namely, that the President of the Republic wishes, above everything
else, to avoid all foreign complications. Count Beust, with whom M.
Thiers seems to have talked a great deal of hypothetical politics,
maintains his opinion that at Versailles there was too much disposition
to seek out all sorts of complications. I refrain for the moment
from commenting upon this statement, which was obviously made with
a purpose. I have to-day received a communication of a similar kind
from a French source, that is to say, from the Vicomte de Calonne,
who formerly served our interests, though with little success. He is
doubtless in possession of a great deal of information with which I am
not yet acquainted. Possibly his present move is intended to reopen
the old relations. The Vicomte asserts that Thiers has one idea which
governs his whole policy, namely, that of _la revanche_. Although
he may not show it, it is firmly rooted in his mind. M. Thiers has
inaugurated--not unskilfully--a press campaign which is to keep the
_revanche_ idea alive. I do not deny that, from my own observations
made some days before I had seen M. Calonne, a distinction should
be drawn between the utterances of the President and the language
of his journals. While M. Thiers and M. Casimir Perier expressed
themselves grateful for the recognition of their loyalty contained
in Herr Delbrück’s speech, the official papers assumed an offended
air, and journals apparently of a more independent character, but
also possibly influenced from Versailles, represented the Minister’s
speech as a proof that Germany had not ceased her provocations to
war. To this extent M. de Calonne’s communication is in harmony with
other indications. He, however, somewhat diminished the value of
his information by disclosing himself as a voluntary agent of the
Legitimists. He expressed a wish that we should give the latter our
moral support, as without a restoration neither peace nor order could
be reckoned upon in France. I was able to point out to M. de Calonne
that, next to the Bonapartist journals, the Legitimist press was the
most violent in its crusade against Germany, and that the restoration
of internal order was France’s own affair. Our interest in the matter
was purely selfish, the only consideration for us being how best to
_tirer notre épingle du jeu_. He could, therefore, see for himself
what was our attitude towards internal questions, which, moreover,
were still very unripe. M. de Calonne was not very pleased with these
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