Bismarck: some secret pages of his history (Vol. 3 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck: some secret pages of his history (Vol. 3 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
The documents begin with a letter dated Oct. 19, 1862, from Bismarck
to King William. Then follows a short letter from the Crown Prince
to the Minister, dated Nov. 21, in which he says: “I trust that, as
you express it to me, success may, in the present difficult phase
of the constitutional life of our country, attend your efforts to
bring about what you yourself describe as the urgent and necessary
understanding with the representatives of the nation. I am following
the course of affairs with the greatest interest,” and so on. Letter
from Bismarck to the King, in which Eulenburg and Selchow are
proposed as Ministers. (I shall not quote unimportant letters from
the King and the Crown Prince, nor in future any matters of only
slight interest.) A letter from Bismarck to the King, dated 20th
February, 1863, on the convention with Russia. Goltz communicated it
to Napoleon, but without the secret article, with which he himself
was not acquainted. (Probably the article by which Prussia was bound
eventually to render assistance against the Polish rebellion.) The
Minister wrote: “As matters stand in Poland we shall hardly be called
upon for active co-operation there. By means of the convention we
have, therefore, the advantage of securing at a cheap rate for the
future the gratitude of the Emperor Alexander and the sympathies of
the Russians.”
Writing to Bismarck, from Stettin, on the 30th of June, 1863, the
Crown Prince says: “I see from your letter of the 10th instant
that at his Majesty’s command you have omitted to communicate
officially to the Ministry of State my protest respecting the
rescript, restricting the liberty of the press, which I sent to you
from Graudenz on the 8th of June. I can easily understand that the
opportunity of treating as a personal matter an incident which, as
you yourself have acknowledged, might, in its consequences, acquire
widespread significance, was not unwelcome to you. It would serve
no purpose for me to insist upon that communication being made, as
I am justified in inferring from your own words that it will have
been done unofficially. It is necessary for me, however, to speak
plainly to you respecting the alternative which you place before me,
namely, to lighten or to render more difficult the task which the
Ministry has undertaken. I cannot lighten that task, as I find myself
opposed to it in principle. A loyal administration of the laws and
of the Constitution, respect and good will towards an easily led,
intelligent and capable people--these are the principles which, in
my opinion, should guide every Government in the treatment of the
country. I cannot bring the policy which finds expression in the
ordinance of the first of June into harmony with these principles. It
is true you seek to prove to me the constitutional character of that
rescript, and you assure me that you and your colleagues remember
your oath. I think, however, that the Government requires a stronger
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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