Deprived by
law, as they were at this time, of nearly all the rights of Christian
ministers--of the right to marry, and all similar ones, (for both
the government and the church had long contended against men whom
they regarded and believed, in point of education and character, to
be wholly unfit to exercise these sacred functions,) they declaimed
from the very bottom of their hearts against the illiberality and
exclusiveness of English institutions, of English feelings, and of
English pride, in depriving them of these rights; and they applauded,
with equal earnestness, that government under which their church
flourished, in the fullest exercise of the widest privileges of a
Christian denomination. There is no exaggeration on the one side or
on the other in this. It would be offensive to the church and to its
adherents to say, that they regarded these preachers otherwise than we
have described. It would be unjust to the Methodists to say, that they
did not feel, and that they did not act, as we have given them credit
for doing.
But in addition to the effect, political and national, produced by
these preachers, the peculiarity of the Methodist church-government
spread the same influences by many minor, but not less effectual
ramifications. Every little society, in every neighbourhood, had what
is called a class-leader, or local preacher, whose duty it was to
exercise a sort of half-religious and half-civil domination over the
part of the church immediately surrounding him, to give them advice,
settle their differences, and practise the arts of small oratory and
miniature government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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