And will--can England look on with indifference
while Upper Canada--whose loyalists, when she was without a soldier
to hoist her flag, did it for her--whose people freely and gladly
sacrificed their lives, as well in the hardships as in the struggle
with the traitor and the assassin, and whose trade and property were
wellnigh ruined by this Dr Wolfred Nelson's rebellion--is now called
upon to make good to him money he spent in carrying it on, and property
that shared but the common ruin he brought upon the whole country? Yet
Dr Nelson's payment is now decided upon by the parliament of Canada;
and as the climax of such unheard-of legislation, he voted for it
himself.
When such a coach-and-four as this can walk through Mr Boulton's
amendment, it is needless to spend time upon smaller fry. The loyalists
of Canada have now, or will have, if the governor, or the British
government assents to the measure, to pay for the very torch that
was employed to set fire to their homes; for the guns that were used
to shoot them down by the wayside; for the shoes that an enemy who
challenged them to fight, wore out in running away; for the time that
men who, assassin-like, established hunters' lodges in the States,
for the purpose of cutting down the defenceless, and burning up the
unprotected, were engaged in the conception and execution of their
diabolical designs. These may be strong statements, but they are facts.
We need go no farther than Dr Nelson's case, who claims indemnity for
the very money he spent in buying powder and balls to destroy her
Majesty's subjects, and who claims £12,000 for injury to his property,
while he himself was at the head of gangs of desperadoes laying waste
the whole southern frontier of the province to sustain them.
But, to convey an idea to the English reader of the full extent to
which payment may be, and is contemplated to be, made to parties
engaged in the rebellion, under this amendment, we need but quote the
questions that were put to Mr Lafontaine, before the final vote was
taken on the question, and the manner in which he treated them.
"In committee last night, Colonel Prince stated that a great
deal of uncertainty existed as to the class of persons whom
it was intended by the ministry to pay, under the measure
introduced by them, and he begged Mr Attorney General
Lafontaine to settle the matter explicitly by replying to
certain questions which he would put to him. Colonel Prince
promised, on his part, to regard the replies as final, and
after receiving them, he would allude no further to the
rebellion claims.
He then put the following questions in a deliberate, solemn
manner, pausing between each for an answer.
'Do you propose to exclude, in your instructions to the
commissioners to be appointed under this act, all who aided and
abetted in the rebellion of 1837-1838?'
NO REPLY.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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