century and a half pressing upon it, afforded a necessary protection to
the British agricultural labourer. For no one can deny that the
producers of corn are, like all others, subject to taxation; and all
taxation, whether direct or indirect, must be added to the price of the
fruits of labour. This was just what the corn laws effected. The
consumer paid for the taxation when he purchased the article; and in no
branch of industry or trade is another rule recognised. There is a
natural price, and an artificial price. The natural price of corn is
that for which it can be grown in this country, deducting labour and the
grower’s profit, but without any burdens of taxation at all. The
artificial price is that which is charged for the produce to the
consumer, when the taxation falling upon the land, for state purposes,
is added to the natural price. By the repeal of the corn laws, the
consumer escaped this taxation, and the whole burden was thrown on the
producer and the labourer, who, in consequence of superior natural
advantages possessed by the foreigner, can be undersold by him even at
the natural price, and who yet are called upon to bear the whole of the
artificial cost.
Such a scheme as this—one so manifestly unjust, not only to the
agriculturists, but to the manufacturers and the shopkeepers, whose
whole dependence was on the home consumers—would never have been carried
into execution, had its inevitable results been honestly laid before the
public. But there was no honesty in these men. They were fighting a
desperate game, without regard to the general interest of the country,
so that they could be the individual gainers; and they fought it, as
gamblers will do, unscrupulously, falsely, and dishonestly. They durst
not have hinted that the immediate effect of the repeal of the corn laws
would be a large and permanent depreciation of the value of agricultural
produce. Had they done so, the tradesmen and retail dealers whom they
chiefly aimed to dupe—because the electoral influence of that class is
immensely large—would at once have seen, that, by limiting the general
power of their customers to purchase, they were, in fact, depriving
themselves of so much of their former profit. Shopkeepers and tradesmen
do not live by the export trade: they maintain themselves and their
families by distributing the products of labour among the community; and
their gains, as well as those of the artisan, are measured by the amount
of custom which they receive. Any legislative change, therefore, which
could have the effect of diminishing that custom in a serious degree,
would necessarily be most detrimental to the interests of this class—a
proposition so clear, that no effort of political jesuitry could
disguise it. The corn-law repealers knew this, and accordingly they
rested their case on different grounds. They maintained that the
abolition of the duties on corn would not, and could not, have the
effect of curtailing the means or the revenue of the producer.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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