guidance of posterity, the obscure process by which certain conditions
produce certain effects. But where a war has been caused by the caprice
and unreasoning anger of a potentate, it is beside the purpose to trace
up to his very cradle the effect of early mismanagement or neglect in
rendering him passionate or capricious, for no political lesson can be
taught where results cannot be calculated. In such a case it will be
sufficient to state the fact, that the war originated in the irascible
temper and unaccountable impulse of one who had the power to give his
anger such tremendous vent. It would be absurd to pause in the history,
and to introduce his biography, merely to prove that it is a bad thing
when great power is lodged in the hands of a person who is the slave of
violent caprice. And in the present instance, if it had been stated in
two sentences that the conditions under which the French Empire had
started into existence were such as to render a foreign war, or a
commanding position in Europe, necessary to its stability, the statement
would have fully satisfied the requirements of history, and would have
received general assent.
However, having considered it necessary to prove this proposition by a
separate history of the transition which France underwent from a
republic to an empire, Mr Kinglake undertakes to show how we were
dragged into war by this necessitous Emperor. He asserts many times that
the operations of the French and English fleets caused the war.
“The English Government,” he says, “consented to engage in naval
movements which affected—nay governed—the war.” And again, “The French
Emperor had no sooner engaged the English Government in a separate
understanding, than he began to insist upon the necessity of using the
naval power of France and England in the way which he proposed—a way
bitterly offensive to Russia. Having at length succeeded in forcing
this measure upon England, he after a while pressed upon her another
movement of the fleets still more hostile than the first, and again he
succeeded in bringing the English Government to yield to him. Again,
and still once again, he did the like, always in the end bringing
England to adopt his hostile measures; and he never desisted from this
course of action, until at last it had effected a virtual rupture
between the Czar and the Western Powers.”
And in this way throughout these transactions the Emperor plays a part
much the same as that which Satan took in the scenes in Paradise; and at
every turn we see him moving deviously, quite serpentine in craft and
baseness, or squatting toad-like at the ear of the slumbering British
Government, till now, at the Ithuriel touch of history, he starts up in
his true form of malignant demon.
The various items of the present charge against him are collected by Mr
Kinglake in a compendious form:—
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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