The utter inefficacy of the measures for which the Whig administration
now seek the sanction of Parliament is not all that we have to
deplore. On reading the debate, there will be found in the tone of
the ministerial speeches, in their promises, and still more in their
omissions, much to be lamented. Instead of boldly insisting on the
vindication of the law as the primary object to be accomplished,
they, to use Sir Robert Peel's expression, "hold parley with the
assassins;" and instead of denouncing with firmness, they palliate, as
far as decency will permit, the conduct of the Irish conspirators, and
studiously avoid all allusion to the transgressions of the priests.
Crime they say, must be repressed, but "a sop is thrown to Cerberus"
at the same time, and an additional stimulus is given to agitation
by the announcement, that a landlord-and-tenant bill is under the
consideration of the government. Now we tell her Majesty's ministers
that they never laboured under a greater delusion, than to suppose
that any measure which they or any other administration can venture to
propose to Parliament, on this subject, will be sufficient to meet the
views or satisfy the wishes of the Irish peasantry; and furthermore,
that even although they did _apparently_ succeed in accomplishing this
object, by other means than a transfer of the property of the land from
the present proprietors to their tenantry, they would be just as far
as ever from effecting the pacification of Ireland. The visionary and
prosy Mr Scrope, or the egotistical Mr Crawford, may occupy themselves
in talking and attempting legislation on a subject which the one does
not understand, and the other is incapable of explaining; but any man
of common sense who comprehends and considers the question, must at
once perceive that great danger must attend on any attempt to legislate
for the exercise of private rights, and that in this instance it would
be an utter impossibility to satisfy the wishes of one party without
absolutely sacrificing the just rights of the other. And, after all,
what is this mysterious measure of "tenant-right," which like the wand
of Aladdin is at once to restore peace and establish order, and to
which the prosperity and happiness of the Protestant north is so often
and so erroneously attributed? If it be what the advocates for its
universal adoption represent it,--namely, "The right of the occupying
tenant to dispose of the interest derivable from the improvement of
his farm, should he fall into arrear or wish to emigrate, and the
possession of what remains of the purchase-money after paying all rent
due, as a recompense for his labour, skill, and expenditure,"--we at
once answer that nothing can be more reasonable, unexceptionable,
or just; but is any man so silly as to suppose that such a measure,
if carried, would satisfy the desires of the Munster peasant? As Mr
O'Connell used to say, he would cry "Thank you for nothing,"--he is
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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