It is difficult, indeed, to observe the limits of conventional decorum
while commenting on conduct like this. Had Mr Disraeli demanded the
re-imposition of a duty, whether fixed or variable, we should of
course have expected that, however strong his case, he would be met
by strenuous opposition. The Whigs have committed themselves so far
that, were it proved to them that in the course of a single year, the
whole agricultural interest must perish unless their whole system of
commercial policy were changed, we should not expect them to step in
and offer to stay the calamity. In this line of dogged inaction and
obstinacy they would probably receive the congenial support of the
small rump of Conservative renegades, who follow them rather through
the necessity of their degraded position, than from any abstract love
they bear to the Whig dominant faction. But Mr Disraeli asked nothing
of the kind. He simply pointed out the fact, which could brook no
denial, that certain burdens and restrictions were still imposed upon
the agriculturists, which prevented them from entering on anything
like, equal terms, into that course of competition which is the glory
and essence of Free Trade. He demanded the removal of these, or, at all
events, all impartial adjustment of them, in order that the British
agriculturist might have fair play, and not be brought into the field
loaded and oppressed by a weight which no other class of the community
is called upon to bear. It was no question of countervailing duties to
put the British on a level with the foreign producer: it was simply
a question of home taxation between class and class, and between man
and man. Under the system of protection, burdens had been laid largely
upon the land, and the land alone; restrictions had been laid upon the
occupiers, forbidding them to grow certain valuable crops, in order
that the revenue might be maintained by fixed custom-duties, levied on
the same articles when imported from foreign countries; and certain
other produce was placed under the fetters of the Excise. The system
of protection fell, but the burdens and restrictions remain. Apart
altogether from the foreign question--apart from considerations whether
the owner and occupier of land in Britain can compete with foreigners
in his own market on equal terms whilst the burden of British taxation
remains undiminished--lies the question of fair and equal adjustment
of taxation among ourselves. It may be that this is difficult--it may
even prove to be impossible. The state of the public revenue may be
such, that no Government can accord to the occupiers of land their
natural right of producing what crops they please, or abrogate the
laws which have the effect of restricting certain kinds of produce to
very narrow limits. It may be that human ingenuity cannot devise a
method for setting agricultural industry free in all its branches, and
allowing that open competition which is not withheld from any kind of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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