Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial DemocracySpargo, John
History
Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy
Spargo, John
Communism -- Soviet Union; Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921
Extremely poor arguments, these. If we are not Anarchists, we must
admit the necessity of a state--that is, of _compulsion_, for the
transition from capitalism to Socialism. The form of compulsion is
determined by the degree of development of the particular
revolutionary class, then by such special circumstances as, for
instance, the heritage of a long and reactionary war, and then by
the forms of resistance of the bourgeoisie and the petty
bourgeoisie. _There is therefore absolutely no contradiction in
principle between the Soviet (Socialist) democracy and the use of
dictatorial power of individuals_. The distinction between a
proletarian and a bourgeois dictatorship consists in this: that
the first directs its attacks against the exploiting minority in
the interests of the exploited majority; and, further, in this,
that the first is accomplished (also through individuals) not only
by the masses of the exploited toilers, but also by the
organizations which are so constructed that they arouse these
masses to historical creative work (the Soviets belong to this
kind of organization).[75]
This, then, is Bolshevism, not as it is seen and described by unfriendly
"bourgeois" writers, but as it is seen and described by the acknowledged
intellectual and political leader of the Bolsheviki, Nikolai Lenine. I have
not taken any non-Bolshevist authority; I have not even restated his views
in a summary of my own, lest into the summary might be injected some
reflexes of my own critical thought. Bolshevism is revealed in all its
reactionary repulsiveness as something between which and absolute,
individual dictatorial power there is "absolutely no contradiction in
principle." It will not avail for our American followers and admirers of
the Bolsheviki to plead that these things are temporary, compromises with
the ideal due to the extraordinary circumstances prevailing in Russia, and
to beg a mitigation of the severity of our judgment on that account.
The answer to the plea is twofold: in the first place, they who offer it
must, if they are sincere, abandon the savagely critical attitude they have
seen fit to adopt toward our own government and nation because with
"extraordinary conditions prevailing" we have had introduced conscription,
unusual restrictions of movement and of utterance, and so forth. How else,
indeed, can their sincerity be demonstrated? If the fact that extraordinary
conditions justified Lenine and his associates in instituting a regime so
tyrannical, what rule of reason or of morals must be invoked to refuse to
count the extraordinary conditions produced in our own nation by the war as
justification for the special measures of military service and discipline
here introduced?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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