British Socialism: An Examination of Its Doctrines, Policy, Aims and Practical ProposalsBarker, J. Ellis
History
British Socialism: An Examination of Its Doctrines, Policy, Aims and Practical Proposals
Barker, J. Ellis
Socialism; Socialism -- Great Britain
"Mr. Gladstone was the only member who endeavoured to delay the Bill
which delivered women and children from mines and pits; and never did
he say a word on behalf of the factory children until, when defending
slavery in the West Indies, he taunted Buxton with indifference to the
slavery in England."[631] "If I were to draw a comparison between the
Liberal and the Tory parties, I should say that the Tory party has
done more in that direction than the Liberal party has done."[632] Mr.
Blatchford wrote in the "Clarion" that "the Liberal party has never
helped the trade unions," and proved this assertion by giving a
detailed statement of the trade union legislation, which showed that
modern trade unionism was constantly opposed by the Liberals and was
created by the Conservatives.[633]
In consequence of its record, Socialists see in Liberalism not a friend,
but an enemy. "Liberalism stands for individualism, and the Liberal
capitalist and trader are bitterly opposed to the trade union and
co-operative society. They found that these bodies, however, were
beginning to exercise an important, if indirect, influence upon their
party. Liberal leaders, alive to the importance of vote-catching, began
to angle for the support of the working-class organisations."[634] "We
have no reason for supporting the Liberal party any more than the Tory
party. Men do not gather grapes from thorns, nor figs from thistles. The
Liberal party is to-day what it has always been--an organisation of
capitalists formed to serve the interests of the capitalist class."[635]
Liberalism, with its championship of exaggerated individualism, stands
not for liberty, but for administrative anarchy. "The trouble with
nineteenth century Liberalism is that, by instinct, by tradition, and
by the positive precepts of its past exponents, it 'thinks in
individuals.' It visualises the world as a world of independent
Roundheads, with separate ends, and abstract rights to pursue those
ends. Nineteenth century Liberalism is, in fact, axiomatically hostile
to the State. It is not 'little Englandism' that is the matter with
those who still cling to such views; it is, as Huxley and Matthew
Arnold correctly diagnosed, administrative Nihilism. So far as
political action is concerned, they tend to be inveterately negative.
They have hung up temperance reform and educational reform for a
quarter of a century, because, instead of seeking to enable the
citizen to refresh himself without being poisoned or inebriated and to
get the children thoroughly taught, they have wanted primarily to
revenge their outraged temperance principles on the publican and their
outraged Nonconformist principles on the Church. Of such Liberals it
may be said that the destructive revolutionary tradition is in their
bones; they will reform nothing unless it can be done at the expense
of their enemies."[636]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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