France -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Fiction; French fiction -- Translations into English
“Poor man!” said des Lupeaulx, in a tone of compassion which confirmed
the minister in his error. “We are alone; I advise you to see him now.
You have a meeting of the Council when the Chamber rises; moreover, your
Excellency has to reply to-day to the opposition; this is really the
only hour when you can receive him.”
Des Lupeaulx rose, called the servant, said a few words, and returned to
his seat. “I have told them to bring him in at dessert,” he said.
Like all other ministers under the Restoration, this particular minister
was a man without youth. The charter granted by Louis XVIII. had the
defect of tying the hands of the kings by compelling them to deliver the
destinies of the nation into the control of the middle-aged men of the
Chamber and the septuagenarians of the peerage; it robbed them of the
right to lay hands on a man of statesmanlike talent wherever they
could find him, no matter how young he was or how poverty-stricken his
condition might be. Napoleon alone was able to employ young men as
he chose, without being restrained by any consideration. After the
overthrow of that mighty will, vigor deserted power. Now the period
when effeminacy succeeds to vigor presents a contrast that is far
more dangerous in France than in other countries. As a general thing,
ministers who were old before they entered office have proved second
or third rate, while those who were taken young have been an honor
to European monarchies and to the republics whose affairs they have
directed. The world still rings with the struggle between Pitt and
Napoleon, two men who conducted the politics of their respective
countries at an age when Henri de Navarre, Richelieu, Mazarin, Colbert,
Louvois, the Prince of Orange, the Guises, Machiavelli, in short, all
the best known of our great men, coming from the ranks or born to
a throne, began to rule the State. The Convention--that model of
energy--was made up in a great measure of young heads; no sovereign
can ever forget that it was able to put fourteen armies into the field
against Europe. Its policy, fatal in the eyes of those who cling to
what is called absolute power, was nevertheless dictated by strictly
monarchical principles, and it behaved itself like any of the great
kings.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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