Cassell's History of England, Vol. 3 (of 8): From the Great Rebellion to the Fall of Marlborough.Anonymous
History
Cassell's History of England, Vol. 3 (of 8): From the Great Rebellion to the Fall of Marlborough.
Anonymous
Great Britain -- History
Parliament adjourned a week for the trial and examination of the plot,
and appointed a day of thanksgiving on Friday, the 23rd. But though
Sindercomb was dead, Sexby was alive, and as murderously inclined as
ever, and to prevent interrupting other affairs, we may now follow him
also to his exit. Though neither fleet nor money was ready to follow
up the blow if successful, the gloomy Anabaptist once more set out for
England with a tract in his possession, called "Killing no Murder,"
which was no doubt his own composition, though Colonel Titus, after
the Restoration, claimed the merit of it. This tract, taking it as a
settled fact that it was a noble piece of patriotism and virtue to kill
a tyrant, pronounced Cromwell a tyrant, and therefore declared that it
was a noble deed to kill him. It eulogised Sindercomb as the Brutus
or Cato of the time. Sexby, disguised like a countryman, and with a
large beard, travelled about distributing this pamphlet, but he was
tracked, discovered, and lodged in the Tower. There he either went mad
or pretended it, made a voluntary confession, found to be intended only
to mislead, and, falling ill, died in the following January.
One of the first things which this second Parliament of the
Protectorate did was to abolish the authority of the major-generals.
Cromwell had assured them that they were doing good service in
suppressing disturbances, and he told them so again; but there were
many complaints of their rigour, especially of levying heavy fines on
the Royalists; and Parliament, on the 29th of January, voted their
withdrawal. The next matter, which occupied them for above three
months, was the case of James Naylor, the mad Quaker, whom they
sentenced to a punishment that was simply diabolical in its inhumanity.
Before this was settled, Parliament entered on a far more momentous
question--no less than whether they should not make Cromwell king.
Those who take an unfavourable view of the character of Cromwell, who
regard him as a base mixture of hypocrisy and ambition, accuse him of
having planned and manœuvred for this object; but there appears no
evidence of this, but rather that the continual uneasiness created by
the Royalist and Anabaptist assassins led many seriously to consider
the peculiar position of the nation, and the great dangers to which
it was exposed. There was nothing between the nation and all its old
confusions but the life of one clear-headed, and strong-hearted, and
strong-handed man, a life which was environed with perils. They deemed
these dangers would be diminished by altering the form of government,
and returning to a House of Lords and a Monarchy--but not to the
corrupt and murder-seeking Stuarts. Had they their honest and earnest
Protector converted into a king, and the succession settled on his
family, the nation would jealously guard his life, and the hopes of the
exiled family be diminished by the prospect of a successor of his own
blood, even if he fell.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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