“Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers” (“The Natural History of the Criminal”), pp. 230–246. Footnote 30: See above, p. 42, the observations of Professor Ranke. Footnote 31: In Lombroso’s “Palimsesti del carcere” (1891) are to be found extremely interesting histories of the childhood of criminals, to which, in my German edition of the work, I have added certain observations of my own (Hamburg, 1900). Footnote 32: Lombroso’s syllogism: “All criminals are morally insane, all epileptics are morally insane, therefore all criminals are epileptics,” should have been stated in the hypothetical rather than in the categorical form. Footnote 33: “Il delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, Fratelli Bocca, 1890. (A French translation of this work has been published.) Footnote 34: _Archivio di psichiatria_, vol. vi., p. 148, 1884. Footnote 35: See p. 33. Footnote 36: The _fundamental biogenetic law_ runs as follows: “The history of the fœtus is a recapitulation of the history of the race, or, in other words, ontogeny is a recapitulation of phylogeny.”—Haeckel, “The Evolution of Man,” Popular English Edition, p. 2. Footnote 37: For the reason that in such a moral scheme the true social instinct is lacking. Footnote 38: In his earliest great imaginative work, “The Time Machine,” Mr. H. G. Wells imagines in the distant future of our race such a differentiation into two types; the “Morlocks,” the underground race, who had taken to preying on the above-ground moiety, were the descendants of our present proletarians.—TRANSLATOR. Footnote 39: In 1899 he was chosen as municipal councillor by one of the working-class quarters of Turin, and sat for some years. In this position, however, he attracted public attention only by his successful resistance to a proposed large municipal loan for the purpose of building a great electric power station, to be driven by water-power. Footnote 40: Of parliamentary government he writes (“Delitto politico,” p. 531): “Parliamentary government, which has with justice been stigmatized as the greatest superstition of modern times, offers greater and ever greater obstacles to the introduction of a good method of government, so that, whilst the electors lose sight more and more of the high ideals of the State, some of the elected representatives obtain a freedom from responsibility which tends to the advantage of crime—which may, indeed, make of them occasional criminals, if they have not inherited the criminal nature. For five centuries Italy has fought for the abolition of the privileges of priests, feudal lords, and kings; and now in the name of freedom we endow 500 kinglets with inordinate privileges, and even free them from liability to prosecution for ordinary crime!”