Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
It was no doubt the record and the result of the French Revolution
that moved the majority of political reformers for two generations to
keep their own counsel on religious matters. Paine has been expressly
charged with hindering the cause of democratic politics by identifying
himself also with the cause of Freethinking. To a man like Bradlaugh
such an objection counted for nothing. It was not merely that he saw
how profoundly religion reacts on life, how creed shapes conduct, and
how the current religion must always tend to support old political
doctrine as against new. He took his course instinctively as well
as reasoningly. That a doctrine is false was to him a reason for
exposing it as such; and though as a utilitarian he held that truth
is the best policy, he did not wait for the demonstration before
choosing his course. He had in fact that love of truth for its own
sake which is the inspiration of all scientific progress; but he had
it without restriction, or at least with as little restriction as
can well be. No man can be equally interested in all inquiries; and
none can help thinking some unprofitable; but Bradlaugh was limited
only by his tastes, never by the common opinion that the spread of
truth is inexpedient. He would give facilities for all conscientious
truth-seeking whatever, barring only random disclosures of sensational
facts with no better motive than sensation, or with no likelihood of
edification to balance the likelihood of the reverse. As to the great
themes of belief and discussion in all ages, he simply could not think
that human welfare is promoted by maintaining beliefs known to be
false. He was a democrat in religion as in politics. If truth was good
for him, it must be equally good for the multitude, so far as it was
possible to enlighten them. They must needs be enlightened by language
within reach of their capacity; but while he would make matters plain
for them, he would in no wise consent to garble and conceal what he
held to be the truth. With the many people who either care nothing
whether current beliefs are false or true, or think it desirable that
they should be false, he had no sympathy. It seemed to him that if
anything was worth investigating, the most serious beliefs of the mass
of the human race must be; and the idea that the mass could be helped
or raised by keeping them deluded was to him morally repugnant and
sociologically false. "My object," he writes in his pamphlet on Heresy,
"is to show that the civilisation of the mass is in proportion to the
spread of heresy amongst them; that its effect is seen in an exhibition
of manly dignity and self-reliant effort which is utterly unattainable
amongst a superstitious people." And all acts of prayer and religious
propitiation were to him survivals of superstition.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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