Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
The almost entire subsidence of Republican agitation in England within
the last twenty years, after the considerable show of Republican
feeling which followed on the fall of the Empire in France, is an
interesting and instructive fact, worth a little explanation here.
It does not mean that the nation is less ready for a Republic; the
fact is quite the other way. Recent tests have shown that in the
average working-class Liberal and Radical Club, when the question
is plainly raised, there is virtually no feeling in favour of the
retention of Monarchy. The old devotion to the monarch as such has
almost completely passed away among the more intelligent workers, and
now subsists only among their weaker brethren, and in the middle and
upper classes. Political movements, however, are made and marred not
by pure reasoning but by special stresses of feeling, and there has
been little or nothing in the annals of the past twenty years to set
up a new stress of feeling against the monarchy in England, while
there has been much that has tended to put the republican ideal in the
background. It is hardly to the credit of the nation that it lays less
store by a great principle or ideal than by concrete points of lower
importance; but such is and must long be the fact. The movement which
led to the Republican Conference in 1873, to begin with, suffered from
the still vivid recollection of the horrors of the Commune. Next it was
found that among its adherents were many who were less concerned to set
up a British Republic than to further by that means the independence
of Ireland. Thus the movement was in itself weakened by want of unity
of motive and purpose, and could make little headway against the vast
forces of habit and prejudice which buttress the Throne. Even what
headway it did make was due largely to the then very common feeling
of personal hostility to the Prince of Wales, whose reputed character
offended many who would not of their own accord have been likely to
raise the question of Monarchy _versus_ Republic. Another ground for
hostility to the Crown was and is the sufficiently solid one of its
cost; but here again the spectacle of the financial corruption in
leading Republics has tended to damp down anti-monarchic feeling. It
is pretty clear that, barring any new and special cause for outcry
against the Throne, its abolition in this country will only result from
the slow accumulation of indifference and of educated aversion to the
snobbery which cherishes and is cherished by it. This certainly cannot
take place during the lifetime of the reigning sovereign, whose age and
popularity alike go to silence serious agitation. It may or may not
come about during the next generation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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