Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
as a standing order that members-elect be allowed, subject to any
liability by statute, to affirm at their choice.
[Footnote 141: This perhaps understates Beaconsfield's protest.
Bradlaugh heard that he condemned the whole proceedings, and called his
followers "fools" for their pains.]
This was of course the signal for a fresh storm. On Mr Gladstone's
preliminary motion that the Orders of the Day be postponed, Mr Gorst
pronounced the motion disorderly, and opposed the proposal in advance
as being to the effect that "the House should break the law, in order
to smuggle Mr Bradlaugh into the House." Gladstone, in moving his
order, was studiously moderate, giving as a reason for the Government's
not introducing a Bill the impossibility of having the question calmly
discussed in the then state of feeling, while urging the necessity of
preserving the dignity and decency of the House as a reason for doing
something. He went on to defend Bradlaugh fully and forcibly against
the charge of having "obtruded his Atheism" on the House, and wound up
with a calm contention that it was the duty of the House to further
the claim of any member to take his seat under a given law, leaving it
to be settled in the law courts whether his claim was valid. Northcote
opposed, arguing that there was no fear of a repetition of the scene of
last week, since the Speaker could give instructions that Mr Bradlaugh
be not allowed to enter the precincts. To accept the motion "would be
to some extent humiliating to the House."[142] No question of justice
or righteousness was raised by the Tory leader. One of his followers,
Lord Henry Scott, advanced the pious proposition that "the mere
affirmation of a person who did not believe in a Supreme Being could
not be regarded as a binding engagement upon him." Another ignoramus
named Smyth explained that the "test of Theism" "pervaded the whole
body of the Constitution, of which, like the soul of man, it was the
animating principle." "Let Atheists be admitted within its walls, and
there would be Atheistical legislation.... Such teaching it was that
led to the outbreak of the French Revolution." Thus were old lies made
to support new. An Irish Catholic named Corbet spoke of "Mr Bradlaugh's
Byzantine doctrines of morality," either forgetting that Byzantium
was the typical Christian State for a thousand years, or desiring to
asperse the Christian Church which had all along been the great rival
of his own. Mr A. M. Sullivan, another Catholic, made a rabid speech,
supporting the cause of religion with the plea, "Where was the class
that was oppressed now? It was nothing but an individual." He went on
to avow that he sought to keep Mr Bradlaugh out of Parliament on the
score that his Malthusianism, "taken in conjunction with his Atheistic
opinions, struck fatally at the foundation of civil society." The
Church of the confessional is naturally zealous for the sacredness of
the family; and the Church of the Inquisition for the "foundations
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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