Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
It is not necessary here to go into Mr Marjoribanks' estimate of the
relative greatness of Bradlaugh and Joseph Hume, or of the merits of
Bradlaugh's views. It is not such judgments as his that determine a
man's standing with his generation, or with posterity. The remark
as to "means of subsisting," also, may be left to supply its own
commentary. More recently the same speaker has emphasized his objection
to some action of some journalists by remarking that it was done for a
livelihood; a judgment which strikes at the whole mass of the Christian
clergy, and which would seem to imply that a rich man is to be pardoned
for saying a false or a base thing where a hireling is to be doubly
denounced. A man who has never had occasion to do anything for a
livelihood presumably sees such things in a different light from those
who lack his pecuniary advantages; and though a professing Christian
is supposed to hold that the labourer is worthy of his hire, Lord
Tweedmouth doubtless remains satisfied with the ethics of his youth. Mr
Chamberlain has indicated similar views. Suffice it here to point to
Bradlaugh's whole career for the proof of the utter sincerity of his
propaganda. But to praise Mill and Joseph Hume for taking an oath "on
the true faith of a Christian," and to blame Bradlaugh for choosing
rather to affirm when he believed an affirmation was open to him, is
to set up an ethic which one would hardly expect any professed Liberal
to avow. As for the "distinct and peremptory refusal," no such thing
had taken place. What the House had distinctly refused was to allow the
affirmation; and in the division on that point Mr Marjoribanks _had
not voted for Mr Labouchere's motion_; whereas he had voted for Mr
Gladstone's motion referring the oath question to a select committee.
When a politician can thus deal with simple historical facts, his
opinion on weightier issues is apt to lose even the significance it
would normally have. Other Liberals added their quota. Lord Sherbrooke,
writing in the _Nineteenth Century_, spoke of the oath which Mr
Bradlaugh "at first refused and afterwards was ready to take." His
Lordship had once spoken of Disraeli as possessing a "slatternly and
inaccurate mind." No milder epithets could well be applied to himself
in the present case. But for all these endless insults and wanton
slanders Bradlaugh had seldom anything save a restrained and dignified
rebuke. When Mr Grantham, Q.C., M.P. (now Mr Justice Grantham), spoke
of him as gaining his livelihood "by the circulation of obscene
literature," he remarked in his journal that there was one homely Saxon
word that would meet the case. He might reasonably have said that there
were several, of varying length.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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