Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
Having thus done what he could, Bradlaugh had to own himself disabled,
and go to the seaside under medical treatment. On his arrival at
Worthing, when he had wearily taken his place in the fly, a clergyman
walked up, stared hard at him, and then said in a loud voice: "There's
Bradlaugh; I hope they'll make it warm for him yet." The enemy in
general behaved with their accustomed generosity. The _Irish Times_ led
the way with an intimation that he was malingering, stating further
that the Irish members had opposed him because he "supported the
Coercion Bill." The _North Star_ repeated the charge of malingering
with exuberant brutality. The _St James's Gazette_ spoke of Bradlaugh
as having behaved "like a drunken rough," further repeating the lie
that he had "originally refused" to take the oath. Others rated him for
his constant appearances in the law courts. The _Standard_, on being
courteously asked to insert a letter correcting a misrepresentation,
suppressed it. Liberals, professing to deprecate the course taken, yet
palliated it; and Professor Thorold Rogers, among others, declared that
nothing the House of Commons could do was illegal. The ministerial
journals, of course, condemned him, telling him he had "lost friends"
by his attempt. He was to sit still and wait till the Ministry should
have the courage to make an Affirmation Bill a Cabinet question--a
course which they refused from first to last to take, though it
would at once have compelled their deserters to return to their
allegiance. On this it may here suffice to say, once for all, that the
justification given for Gladstone's course in the matter simply serves
to show how low are the standards of our "Christian" statesmanship
down to the present day. The justification is that Gladstone was bound
to refrain from "compromising" his party by making the admission of
the Atheist a Cabinet question. The good of the party must override
the claims of justice. Mr Gladstone's memory is welcome to all the
credit which such an argument will gain him from a posterity probably
devoid of his sense of religious enlightenment. It will be a doubtful
certificate of the foundations he claims for his morality, that while
conscious of "bloodguiltiness" in the matter of the Transvaal, he
declined to incur for conscience' sake the trivial and transient odium
of having made justice to an Atheist a decisive demand as between
him and certain of his followers. I am not here putting the opinion
of Bradlaugh--whose chivalrous respect for Gladstone prevented him
from passing any such criticism, whatever he may have thought in his
heart--but laying down what seems to me the only doctrine worthy of
conscientious democrats.
It is satisfactory to be able to record that whilst the worst of the
Tory and clerical party exulted in Bradlaugh's physical ejection, many
religious men were moved by it to new sympathy with him. One esteemed
Churchman wrote as follows:--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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