Let us regard the question more closely. Congress is asked to
sanction the Constitution of Texas, which not only supports slavery,
but contains a clause prohibiting the Legislature of the State from
abolishing slavery. In doing this, it will give a fresh stamp of
legislative approbation to an unrighteous system; it will assume a
new and active responsibility for the system; it will again become
a dealer in human flesh, and on a gigantic scale. At this moment,
when the conscience of mankind is at last aroused to the enormity of
holding a fellow-man in bondage, when, throughout the civilized world,
a slave-dealer is a by-word and a reproach, we as a nation are about
to become proprietors of a large population of slaves. Such an act, at
this time, is removed from the reach of that palliation often extended
to slavery. Slavery, we are speciously told by those who defend it,
is not our original sin. It was entailed upon us by our ancestors, so
we are instructed; and the responsibility is often, with exultation,
thrown upon the mother country. Now, without stopping to inquire into
the truth of this allegation, it is sufficient for the present purpose
to know that by welcoming Texas as a Slave State we make slavery our
own original sin. Here is a new case of actual transgression, which we
cannot cast upon the shoulders of any progenitors, nor upon any mother
country, distant in time or place. The Congress of the United States,
the people of the United States, at this day, in this vaunted period of
light, will be responsible for it; so that it will be said hereafter,
so long as the dreadful history of Slavery is read, that in the present
year of Christ a new and deliberate act was passed to confirm and
extend it.
By the present movement we propose no measure of change. We do not
offer to interfere with any institution of the Southern States,
nor to modify any law on the subject of Slavery anywhere under
the Constitution. Our movement is conservative. It is to preserve
existing supports of Freedom; it is to prevent the violation of free
institutions in their vital principles.
Such a movement should unite in its support all but those few in
whose distorted or unnatural vision slavery seems to be a great good.
Most clearly should it unite the freemen of the North, by all the
considerations of self-interest, and by those higher considerations
founded on the rights of man. I cannot dwell now upon the controlling
political influence in the councils of the country which the annexation
of Texas will secure to slaveholders. This topic is of importance;
but it yields to the supreme requirements of religion, morals, and
humanity. I cannot banish from my view the great shame and wrong of
slavery. Judges of our courts have declared it contrary to the Law of
Nature, finding its support only in positive enactments of men. Its
horrors who can tell? Language utterly fails to depict them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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