But I am to regard it now chiefly as an infringement of the Constitution. Here its outrages, flagrant as manifold, assume the deepest dye and broadest character only when we consider that by its language it is not restricted to any special race or class, to the African or to the person with African blood, but that any inhabitant of the United States, of whatever complexion or condition, may be its victim. Without discrimination of color even, and in violation of every presumption of freedom, the Act surrenders all who may be claimed as "owing service or labor" to the same tyrannical proceeding. If there be any whose sympathies are not moved for the slave, who do not cherish the rights of the humble African, struggling for divine Freedom, as warmly as the rights of the white man, let him consider well that the rights of all are equally assailed. "Nephew," said Algernon Sidney in prison, on the night before his execution, "I value not my own life a chip; but what concerns me is, that _the law_ which takes away my life may hang every one of you, whenever it is thought convenient." Whilst thus comprehensive in its provisions, and applicable to all, there is no safeguard of Human Freedom which the monster Act does not set at nought. It commits this great question--than which none is more sacred in the law--not to a solemn trial, but to summary proceedings. It commits this great question, not to one of the high tribunals of the land, but to the unaided judgment of a single petty magistrate. It commits this great question to a magistrate appointed, not by the President with the consent of the Senate, but by the Court,--holding office, not during good behavior, but merely during the will of the Court,--and receiving, not a regular salary, but fees according to each individual case. It authorizes judgment on _ex parte_ evidence, by affidavit, without the sanction of cross-examination. It denies the writ of Habeas Corpus, ever known as the Palladium of the citizen. Contrary to the declared purposes of the framers of the Constitution, it sends the fugitive back "at the public expense." Adding meanness to violation of the Constitution, it bribes the Commissioner by a double stipend to pronounce against Freedom. If he dooms a man to Slavery, the reward is ten dollars; but saving him to Freedom, his dole is five. The Constitution expressly secures the "free exercise of religion": but this Act visits with unrelenting penalties the faithful men and women who render to the fugitive that countenance, succor, and shelter which in their conscience "religion" requires; and thus is practical religion directly assailed. Plain commandments are broken; and are we not told that "whosoever shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the kingdom of Heaven"?[165] [165] Matt. v. 19.