“Your speech of October 1st is before me, and I have read and read it through and through again, no less than three times. There is something about your speeches that has endeared your name to me, and something in their tone and in their teachings that tells me they are right in their meaning, and right in every point, and are very true.” Thus, from correspondence, as also from the press, it appears that Mr. Sumner was not alone. Others were glowing in the same cause, and their number increased daily. But the great salvation was postponed. Almost a full year was allowed to elapse before the Proclamation of Emancipation. And what a year, whether for those in the tented field and Rebel prisons, or those others waiting, longing, struggling for Union and Peace through Liberty! Nobody could espouse such a cause, and feel that its triumph was essential to save the country from prolonged bloodshed, without effort and anxiety corresponding in some measure to the transcendent interests involved. From this time forward Mr. Sumner never missed an opportunity of urging Emancipation, whether in addresses before the people and in the Senate, or in direct personal appeal to the President. In the last he was constant, rarely seeing the President without in some way presenting the all-absorbing question. These volumes will show the continuity of his public efforts. THE REBELLION: ITS ORIGIN AND MAINSPRING. ORATION, UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE YOUNG MEN’S REPUBLICAN UNION OF NEW YORK, AT COOPER INSTITUTE, NOVEMBER 27, 1861. WITH APPENDIX. _Cassius._ Some to the common pulpits, and cry out, _Liberty, Freedom, and Enfranchisement!_ SHAKESPEARE, _Julius Cæsar_, Act III. Scene 1. The natural strength of the country, in point of numbers, appears to me to consist _much more in the blacks than in the whites_. Could they be incorporated and employed for its defence, it would afford you double security. That they would make good soldiers I have not the least doubt; and I am persuaded the State has it not in its power to give sufficient reinforcements, without incorporating them, either to secure the country, if the enemy mean to act vigorously upon an offensive plan, or furnish a force sufficient to dispossess them of Charleston, should it be defensive.--MAJOR-GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE, _Letter to Governor Rutledge of South Carolina_. Life and Correspondence, by William Johnson, Vol. II. p. 274. * * * * *