Early in the spring of 1862, Mr. Seward conferred with Mr. Sumner on a treaty with Great Britain for a mutual and restricted right of search and mixed courts, with a view to the suppression of the slave-trade. The negotiation was opened and proceeded successfully. April 7th, Mr. Sumner, being at the State Department, had the happiness of witnessing the signature of this treaty by Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons. April 11th, it was communicated to the Senate in Executive Session, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. April 15th, it was reported to the Senate by Mr. Sumner, with the recommendation that the Senate advise and consent thereto. April 22d, it was brought up in the Senate, when Mr. Sumner moved the usual resolution of ratification. April 24th, on motion of Mr. Sumner, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution of ratification. The yeas and nays were dispensed with by unanimous consent, and the resolution was agreed to without a dissenting vote. MR. PRESIDENT,--Already a slave-trader has been executed at New York, being the first in our history to suffer for this immeasurable crime.[290] English lawyers dwell much upon treason to the king, which they denounce in a term borrowed from ancient Rome as _lese_-majesty; but the slave-trade is treason to man, being nothing less than _lese_-humanity. Much as I incline against capital punishment, little as I am disposed to continue this barbarous penalty, unworthy of a civilized age, I see so much of good in this example at the present moment, that I reconcile myself to it without a pang. Clearly it will be a warning to slave-traders, and also notice to the civilized world that at last we are in earnest, while it helps make the slave-trade detestable. Crime is seen in the punishment, and the gallows sheds upon it that infamy which nothing short of martyrdom in a good cause can overcome. * * * * * The important treaty now before the Senate is to enforce on a large scale final judgment against the slave-trade. It is to do with many what has just been done with an individual. Our flag is desecrated by this hateful commerce; ships equipped in New York are tempted by its cruel gains. To stop this has been impossible, while Slavery prevailed in the National Government. How could our courts judge the slave-trader, how could the National Government set itself against the hateful commerce, while Slavery occupied all the places of power? But this is changed. If Emancipation is yet longer delayed, Slavery is at least dislodged from its predominant influence. Therefore is the way free for action against the slave-trade.