There was an echo to these proclamations throughout the country, and also from the Rebel States. The _Richmond Whig_ said of the first: “It is a dash of the pen to destroy four millions of our property, and is as much as a bid for the slaves to rise in insurrection, with the assurance of aid from the whole military and naval power of the United States.” In another article, it spoke of “the fiends of the new programme.” These feelings, after debate in the Rebel Congress, found vent in the following terms. “That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of the President of the United States, dated respectively September twenty-second, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and January first, eighteen hundred and sixty-three, and the other measures of the Government of the United States, and of its authorities, commanders, and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery and bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful, produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the spirit of those usages which in modern warfare prevail among civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully repressed by retaliation.”[110] The earlier proclamation caused a thrill in Massachusetts. Earnest people, who had longed for it, were rejoiced and comforted. At the invitation of his fellow-citizens, Mr. Sumner consented to address them at Faneuil Hall, in response to the proclamation. The proceedings at this crowded meeting, which was held at noon, are copied from the newspapers of the day. The meeting was called to order by George S. Hale, Esq., Chairman of the Ward and City Committee, who submitted the following list of names for the officers of the meeting. _President_,--William Claflin, of Newton.