I assume that Senators are in earnest for something to put down the Rebellion. Our country, I know, is rich in resources. It can vote millions for almost any purpose; but still I doubt if the Senator from Missouri would urge Congress, at this moment, to appropriate millions, unless he expected in this way to do something very positive against the Rebellion. I assume that this is his object, and also the object of other Senators urging this measure. Is there any other object to justify, at this moment, a vote for it? Is there any Senator who will toss twenty or ten millions of money to any State, unless he is satisfied that by doing so he can help put an end to the Rebellion? On this point all must agree. Therefore do I insist on the single question, How shall we most surely help put an end to the Rebellion? If this can be best accomplished by immediate Emancipation, then must we vote accordingly. But if it is better to allow Emancipation to drag through twenty or even ten years, with the possibility of reaction, and with the certainty of controversy during all this period, and, above all, without any immediate good, then will Senators vote accordingly. Sir, I am against any such thing. I wish the measure to be effective for the object proposed, and, as I do not believe it can be effective, unless immediate, I must vote accordingly. The amendment of Mr. Sumner was lost,--Yeas 11, Nays 26. In the debate which ensued, Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, taunted Mr. Sumner with desiring the negroes of Missouri to be “freed quickly, so that Governor Andrew can recruit there to fill up the Massachusetts quota.” Mr. Sumner replied: “I would have a musket put in the hands of every one of these negroes in Missouri.” Mr. Sumner moved to amend by striking out “three hundred” and inserting “two hundred” dollars, as the measure of value of a slave. Here he said:-- I object to the enormous valuation. I object to it in the present bill, and also as a precedent. We shall be bound by it hereafter. The next bill will have this same value of three hundred dollars for each slave. I would begin by putting it at two hundred dollars, and that is my motion. This amendment was adopted,--Yeas 19, Nays 17. Mr. Sumner then moved to strike out the word “gradual,” so that the money should be paid only on immediate Emancipation. Here he remarked, that he did not understand a war measure which was to go into effect ten years from now,--that he did not understand a gradual war measure,--that it was an absurdity in terms, and utterly indefensible. The motion was lost,--Yeas 11, Nays 27. The question then recurred on the adoption of the substitute, when Mr. Sumner spoke as follows.