Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 09 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 09 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
MR. SUMNER. The Senator will pardon me, if I say that I know no better
denunciation than that of a treaty negotiated by Franklin. A treaty is
the act of the nation, and testifies to the sentiments of the nation.
If the same denunciation did not find place in more important treaties,
it is reasonable to suppose that it was not acceptable to the other
contracting parties. It is an historic fact, that Franklin sought to
embody this denunciation in the very treaty by which our independence
was acknowledged, and thus to associate it with our national
being.[145] Indeed, it was a standing offer from our Government to
foreign powers.[146] Unquestionably the Constitution gives Congress the
power to issue letters of marque, but the reason is obvious: because
privateering was recognized at that time as a proper agency of war.
The framers of the Constitution did not divest the government they
created of a power which belonged to other governments according to
the existing usage of nations. In recognizing this power, they express
no opinion upon its character. For that we must go to the treaty,
and to the words and efforts of Franklin, Jefferson, and John Quincy
Adams, speaking and acting officially for the nation,--all but Franklin
subsequent to the Constitution.
And now, Sir, at the risk of repetition, I enumerate my objections to
this bill.
1. It proposes to cruise against a non-existent commerce, for the sake
of a non-existent booty.
2. It accords to private individuals the belligerent right of search,
which must be fruitful of trouble in our relations with the great
neutral powers.
3. It gives to the President, in his discretion, the power to issue
letters of marque in any future wars, without any further authority of
Congress, when this power should always wait for the special authority
of Congress on the declaration of war.
4. It is in the nature of a menace to foreign nations, and therefore
worse than useless.
5. It vitalizes and legalizes a system which civilization always
accepted with reluctance, and our own country was one of the earliest
and most persistent to denounce.
6. It will give us a bad name in history.
It does all this without accomplishing any substantial good. If it be
said that ships are needed for transportation, or for the blockade,
or in order to pursue pirates on the sea, then, I repeat, let the
Government hire them. The way is easy, and it is also the way of
peace. To this end I offer a substitute for the present bill, which
will secure to the Government all the aid it can desire, without the
disadvantage or shame of a measure which can be justified only by
overruling necessity. I will read the substitute.
“That the Secretary of the Navy be authorized to hire any
vessels needed for the national service, and, if he sees fit,
to put them in charge of officers commissioned by the United
States, and to give them in every respect the character of
national ships.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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