Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 09 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 09 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
The War Powers conferred upon Congress by the Constitution were well
known; they had been conferred upon Congress by the earlier Articles of
Confederation. The language of the latter was full and explicit with
regard to captures.
“The United States in Congress assembled shall have the
sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace
and war, … of establishing rules for deciding in all cases
_what captures on land or water shall be legal_, and in what
manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service
of the United States shall be divided or appropriated, … and
establishing courts for receiving and determining finally
_appeals in all cases of captures_.”[87]
The language subsequently employed in the Constitution is identical in
substance. It is evident that the framers of the Constitution had the
Articles of Confederation in mind, when they vested in Congress power
to “make rules concerning captures on land and water.”
The bills now under consideration are obviously founded on the War
Powers. The first section of the first bill begins as follows.
“That all the estate and property, money, stocks, credits,
and effects of the persons hereafter named in this section
are hereby forfeited to the Government of the United States,
_and are declared lawful subjects of seizure, and of prize and
capture, wherever found, for the indemnity of the United States
against the expenses of suppressing the present Rebellion_.”
The Senator must be very hardy who denies the power of Congress, in the
exercise of belligerent rights, to pass such a bill; and he must be
equally hardy, when he insists that belligerent rights are impaired by
any limitations of the Constitution.
If the enemies against whom we now wage war were not our own
fellow-citizens, if they were aliens unhappily fastened for the time on
our territory, there would be no fine-spun question of constitutional
immunity. Such immunities are essentially municipal in character; but
a public enemy can claim nothing merely municipal. The immunities he
enjoys are such only as are conceded by the Rights of War,--nor more,
nor less. As a public enemy, he seeks to subvert our Government, its
laws and its Constitution; and in this warfare he proceeds according to
the Rights of War, indifferent to any mere local law. But if the war on
our part were in accordance with mere local law, and in subordination
to provisions of the Constitution devised for peace, it is evident that
the National Government would be unable to cope with its enemy. It
would enter into battle with hands tied behind the back. Of course, in
warfare with people of another country Senators would not require any
such self-sacrifice.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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