In ordinary times, and under ordinary circumstances, neither system of government would be valid. A State in the full enjoyment of its rights would spurn a military governor or a Congressional governor. It would insist that its governor should be neither military nor Congressional, but such as its own people chose to elect; and nobody would question this right. The President does not think of sending a military governor to New York; nor does Congress think of establishing a provisional government in that State. It is only with regard to the Rebel States that this question arises. The occasion, then, for the exercise of this extraordinary power is found in the Rebellion. Without the Rebellion there would be no talk of any governor, whether military or Congressional. * * * * * Here it becomes important to consider the operation of the Rebellion in opening the way to this question. To this end we must understand the relations between the States and the National Government, under the Constitution of the United States. As I approach this question of singular delicacy, let me say on the threshold, that for all those rights of the States which are consistent with the peace, security, and permanence of the Union, according to the objects grandly announced in the Preamble of the Constitution, I am the strenuous advocate at all times and places. Never, through any word or act of mine, shall those rights be impaired; nor shall any of those other rights be called in question by which the States are held in harmonious relations as well with each other as with the Union. But, while thus strenuous for all that justly belongs to the States, I cannot concede to them immunities inconsistent with that Constitution which is the supreme law of the land; nor can I admit the impeccability of a State. From a period even anterior to the National Constitution, there has been a perverse pretension of State Rights, which has perpetually interfered with the unity of our Government. Throughout the Revolution this pretension was a check upon the powers of Congress, whether in respect to armies or finances, so that it was too often constrained to content itself with the language of advice or persuasion rather than of command. By the Declaration of Independence it was solemnly declared that “these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent _States_” and that, as such, “they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent _States_ may of right do.” Thus, by this original charter, the early Colonies were changed into independent States, under whose protection the liberties of the country were placed.