Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 10 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
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Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 10 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
MR. SUMNER. I know very well that they may, in the last resort, be
obliged to go to the courts; but I know that it will be more difficult
for the Company to exclude them in the face of a positive statute than
when their rights are simply founded on _inference_. The positive words
which I propose leave no loophole for doubt. They must be obeyed.
There is nothing more common in legislation than, in case of doubt as
to the meaning of a statute, or of the Common Law, to remove it by what
is well known as a “declaratory” statute. I have in my hands a work
of authority, which the Senator knows well, Dwarris on Statutes, from
which I read:--
“And first of declaratory acts. These are made where the old
custom of the kingdom is almost fallen into disuse or become
disputable, in which case the Parliament has thought proper,
_in perpetuum rei testimonium_, and for avoiding all doubts and
difficulties, to declare what the Common Law is and ever hath
been.”[310]
Are not these words completely applicable to the case before us? What
should be the custom is, according to these words, “almost fallen into
disuse, or become disputable.” I say, therefore, again, following these
words, “for avoiding all doubts and difficulties,” it is the duty of
Congress “to declare” what the law of the land is.
Again, in another place, this same authority, speaking still further of
declaratory statutes, says:--
“Acts to explain laws are properly acts of interpretation
by legislative authority,--or, to borrow an expression from
the writers on the Roman Law, they are acts of _authentic
interpretation_.”[311]
I ask the attention of the Senator to the expression, “they are acts
of _authentic interpretation_.” Now, Sir, what I desire is, that the
Senate shall give an authentic interpretation to the law. To do this it
is not needful to range over the whole field of history, of morals, or
of politics, in imitation of the Senator, or to discuss the equality
of races, or their fortunes in the future; but it is enough for us to
become acquainted with the existing abuse, every day under our own
eyes, in the streets of this capital, and then to apply the remedy.
Beyond all question, there is an abuse. The remedy is simple, and I
cannot doubt that it will be effective.
Listening to the objections which this measure has encountered, I
am reminded of those so often brought against the Wilmot Proviso.
Sometimes it was said that Slavery could not go into the Territories
without positive statute, and that therefore the prohibition was
unnecessary. But it generally happened that those who opposed the
positive prohibition were indifferent to the great question. No, Sir;
there can be but one true rule. It is this: the rights of colored
persons must be placed under the protection of positive statute,
warning their oppressors against continued outrage.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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