Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 10 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 10 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
But the Senator reminds us that in other days the Fugitive Act was
passed here, and made especially offensive; and he pleads with us
not to imitate that bad example, by introducing anything that may be
offensive. I do not like the comparison of the Senator. Does he not
know well that everything introduced into the Fugitive Slave Bill
was in the interest of Slavery, and contrary to every sentiment of
humanity, and that it was intended to give offence? The proposition
now moved is opposite in character. It is to sustain the principles of
humanity, to uphold human rights, to vindicate human equality, and with
no purpose of offence,--none, not the least. The illustration of the
Senator is entirely out of place. True it is that in those other days
we were offended, and it was part of the hardships to which we were
exposed. As, in the days which preceded our Revolution, the British
officers said they would cram the stamps down the throats of the
American people, so, in the same malignant spirit, the Slave-Masters
insisted upon cramming Slavery down the throats of the Senate and the
country. There was nothing but brutality then. Slavery in all its
features is bad, but one of its most odious manifestations was the
revolting insensibility to every sentiment of delicacy and humanity
which it created in its supporters.
Sir, the Senator from Illinois knows well that it is in a very
different spirit that propositions like the present are brought
forward. It is always in the interest of human rights, and I need
not say to that Senator, so far as I am concerned, with no other
purpose than that patent in the proposition itself, and with no idea
of offending any human being,--on the contrary, with a desire to avoid
offence, if I possibly can. In that spirit I wish to do my duty on this
floor. I would never give offence to any one, here or elsewhere, if I
knew how to avoid it, while in all things I faithfully discharge my
public duty.
The debate continued, when Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, said he should
like to have Mr. Sumner answer one question. “Suppose we pass
this amendment and put it into the law, and the Company goes
on and does exactly as it has been doing, excluding these men,
what are these colored men going to do? Have they not got to
go to law then? Will they not be compelled to enforce their
rights in court? Will they not be compelled to employ lawyers?
If that be so, what advantage will it be to them to adopt this
amendment under the present condition of things?”
MR. SUMNER. I will answer. Because the Company will not dare
to continue this outrage in the face and eyes of a positive
provision of statute. That is the answer.
On the Yeas and Nays, the amendment was lost,--Yeas 14, Nays
16,--several Republicans uniting with the Democrats against it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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