But he made no proposition. Mark the modesty of the suggestion. Here was no offer of compromise,--not even a complaint, much less a suggestion of corner-stone. The next article under discussion provided for the surrender of fugitives from justice. Mr. Butler and Mr. Charles Pinckney, both from South Carolina, now moved openly, but without any offer of compromise, to require “fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals.” But the very boldness of the proposition drew attention and aroused opposition. Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, afterwards the eminent judge and lecturer on Law, promptly remarked: “This would oblige the executive of the State to do it, _at the public expense_.” Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, followed in apt words, saying that he “saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant than a horse.” Under this proper pressure the offensive proposition was withdrawn. The article for the surrender of criminals was then adopted. On the next day, August 29th, Mr. Butler showed that the lovers of Liberty had not spoken in vain. Abandoning the idea of any proposition openly requiring the surrender of fugitive slaves, he moved an _equivocal_ clause, substantially like that now found in the Constitution, which, without debate or opposition of any kind, was unanimously adopted,--or, according to the report of Mr. Madison, _nem. con._[336] What could not be done directly was attempted indirectly; and the partisans of Slavery contented themselves, according to the teachings of old Polonius, with language which only “by indirections finds directions out.” But no “indirection” can find Slavery out. The language which sanctions such a wrong must be “direct.” Therefore, at the moment of seeming triumph, the partisans of Slavery failed.