It is true that our Government exerted itself much. Considering its comparative immaturity, it deserves credit for the courage and determination with which it labored. But it must not be forgotten that in all it did, even for the recovery of indemnities, it acted under the duties and instincts of national defence. Our commerce was despoiled, to the detriment of American citizens. But this grievance, which went on assuming larger proportions, proceeded directly from the _hostile spirit_ of France, aroused by alleged infraction of national obligations on our part; so that behind the question of indemnities rose always the question of self-defence. France made reprisals because the United States refused compliance with solemn treaties, and, as is usual in such cases, individual citizens were the sufferers. Defending the interests of its citizens, the country itself was defended. To abandon these interests, especially without securing an abandonment of French pretensions, would have been an abandonment of the country, leaving it the dishonored victim of untold exactions without end. If this be correct,--and your Committee do not see how it can be controverted,--there can be no boast of extraordinary efforts, all of which, whatever form they assumed, were in the performance of a patriotic duty, simple as the filial devotion of Cordelia, “according to her bond, nor more nor less.” And now the fidelity of that early day, when duty was done, is the apology for infidelity to-day, when duty is left undone; and those patriotic efforts are vouched as a title to present exemption. Because the Government was zealous for indemnities when France was responsible, _argal_ it may be indifferent now, when the United States are substituted for France. Or has it come to this,--that it is right to be zealous in pressing a foreign Government, but not right to be zealous against ourselves, _when substituted for that foreign Government_, as in the present case? Beyond the misconception of public duty apparent in this pretence, it forgets the true state of the question. Here, again, we are brought to the Convention of 1800, when both claims and counter-claims were adjusted. If the claims on our side had been deliberately rejected, or if our Government had been compelled to withdraw, as in a case of nonsuit, the case might have been otherwise. There was no rejection, and no nonsuit, but, as has been so fully shown, a set-off and mutual release, by which each party accorded to its adversary just as much as it claimed for itself. So far as the two Governments were concerned, claims and counter-claims were extinguished, and neither could look to the other; but it did not follow that American citizens, whose “individual” claims had been appropriated to extinguish “national” obligations, were cut off from appeal to their own Government. On the contrary, the very zeal for these claimants, while they looked to France, is still due in their