Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 11 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 11 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
A new French minister was at hand, accredited to President Washington,
with fresh instructions. Differences on the obligations of the guaranty
appeared in the Cabinet,--some holding that no necessity for decision
existed, as France had made no demand,--and others, that, the Treaty of
Alliance being plainly defensive, the guaranty did not apply to a war
begun by France. After ample discussion, the Proclamation of Neutrality
was adopted, April 22, 1793, destined to become a turning-point in our
history. Chief Justice Marshall, whose opportunities of information
were unquestionable, lets us know that the Proclamation “was intended
to prevent the French minister from demanding _the performance of the
guaranty contained in the Treaty of Alliance_.”[160] But before the
Proclamation reached France, orders were issued there for the capture
and confiscation of enemy goods on board neutral vessels; whereas it
was stipulated with the United States that free ships should make free
goods; so that, even if the denial of the guaranty was wrong, and the
Proclamation, according to French accusation, “insidious,” the United
States were not the first to offend.
On the day of the Proclamation came news by the journals that Genet,
the new French minister, had landed in South Carolina, where, amid
the darkest days of the Revolution, Lafayette had also first landed.
Full of conviction that France had only to make herself heard in
order to be sustained, Genet exalted himself conspicuously above the
Government. By instructions from the Executive Council of the French
Republic, dated 17th of January, 1793, he was enjoined “to penetrate
profoundly the sense of the treaties of 1778, and to watch over the
articles favorable to the commerce and navigation of the United States,
and to make the Americans consider engagements which might appear
onerous _as the just price of the independence which the French nation
had secured to them_.” Not content with existing safeguards, the new
minister was to negotiate a supplementary treaty, to fix more surely
“the _reciprocal guaranty_ of the possessions of the two powers.”[161]
In this spirit he commenced a turbulent career, charging offensively
that the President, before knowing what the minister had to communicate
from the French Republic, was in a hurry “to proclaim sentiments on
which decency and friendship should at least have drawn a veil,”--that
he “took on himself to give to our treaties arbitrary interpretations
absolutely contrary to their true sense,” and that “he left no other
indemnification to France for the blood she spilt, for the treasure she
dissipated, in fighting for the independence of the United States, but
the illusory advantage of bringing into their ports the prizes made on
their enemies without being able to sell them,”--and that the Secretary
of War, on his communication of the wish of the Windward Islands “to
receive promptly some fire-arms and some cannon, which might put into
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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