Unhappily, too many people discern the wrong only when they personally feel its sting. Suppose now the case reversed, and white citizens in South Carolina despoiled of this “most transcendent thing” by the predominance of the colored race, so that “black” instead of “white” marks participation in government. But, if such discrimination is just where the white prevails, it would be equally just where the black prevails, and it would be as constitutional in one case as in the other. Unquestionably a black man’s government is as constitutional as a white man’s government. But the white man could not easily endure the degradation; nor can it be doubted that Congress would promptly insist that it was inconsistent with republican government, and would apply the proper remedy. Failing in this duty, what other discrimination could it arrest? The Anglo-Saxon might exclude the Celt; the Celt might exclude the Anglo-Saxon; both might exclude the German, and the fearful antagonisms of race would have full play. Other battles than the Boyne would be the signal of discord, and other parties than Orangemen would stalk upon the scene. If, looking at these States together, the case is clear, it becomes clearer when we look at them separately. Begin with Tennessee, which disfranchises 283,079 citizens, being more than a quarter of its whole “people.” Thus violating a distinctive principle of republican government, how can this State be recognized as republican? The question is easier asked than answered. But Tennessee is the least offensive on the list. There is Virginia, which disfranchises 549,019 citizens, being more than a third its whole “people.” There is Alabama, which disfranchises 437,930 citizens, being nearly one half its whole “people.” There is Louisiana, which disfranchises 350,546 citizens, being one half its whole “people.” There is Mississippi, which disfranchises 437,406 citizens, being much more than one half its whole “people.” And there is South Carolina, which disfranchises 412,408 citizens, being nearly three fifths its whole “people.” A republic is a pyramid standing on the broad mass of the people as a base; but here is a pyramid balanced on its apex. To call such a government “republican” is a mockery of sense and decency. A monarch “surrounded by republican institutions,” as at one time was the boast of France, would be less offensive to correct principles, and give more security to Human Rights.