Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 13 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
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Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 13 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
POLITICAL EQUALITY WITHOUT DISTINCTION OF COLOR.
NO COMPROMISE OF HUMAN RIGHTS.
SECOND SPEECH IN THE SENATE ON THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT OF THE
CONSTITUTION FIXING THE BASIS OF REPRESENTATION, MARCH 7, 1866.
This second speech was in continuation of the debate on the
proposed Constitutional Amendment, and in reply to those who
had spoken after Mr. Sumner, especially Mr. Fessenden. The
history of the debate and its result appear in the Appendix to
the speech of February 5th and 6th.[221]
MR. PRESIDENT,--I hesitate to intrude again into this debate, which
now, after the interposition of another debate on another question, is
again renewed. I do it with unfeigned reluctance, and I hope not to
trespass too much on your patience.
The question before us, even in its simplest form, is of incalculable
importance; but it has added interest, as opening the whole vast
subject of Reconstruction. Into this field I shall not be tempted,
except to express a brief opinion on the general principles we should
seek to establish. Treason must be made odious, and to this end power
should be secured to loyal fellow-citizens. In doing this, two
indispensable conditions cannot be forgotten: first, all who have been
untrue to the Republic must, for a certain time, constituting the
_transition period_, be excluded from the partnership of government;
and, secondly, all who have been true to the Republic must be admitted
into the partnership of government, according to the sovereign rule
of the Constitution, which knows no distinction of color. Following
these two simple commandments, there will be safety and peace, together
with power and renown; neglecting these two simple commandments, there
must be peril and distraction, together with imbecility and dishonor.
In the one way, Reconstruction is easy; in the other way, it is in
any just sense impossible. It may seem for the moment to succeed;
but it must fail in the end. This is all I have to say at present on
Reconstruction, and I turn at once to the precise question before us.
* * * * *
Pardon me, Sir, if I remind you that there are two modes of debate.
One is to attack the previous speaker with personality of criticism
or manner. The other is to speak plainly on the question, and to deal
directly, according to your convictions, with the principles involved.
Sometimes the two modes are allowed to intermingle. If ever there was
occasion when the first should be carefully avoided, when the question
alone should be handled, and not the previous speaker, when attention
should be directed exclusively to principles involved, and not to any
subordinate point of mere form, it is now, when we are asked to insert
a new provision in the Constitution, fixing the basis of political
power at the expense of fellow-citizens counted by millions. In this
spirit I shall try to speak. To my mind, the occasion is too solemn for
personal controversy, and I shall not be drawn into it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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