Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 13 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
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Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 13 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
1. I need not dwell on what has been so often discussed and so much
misunderstood; and yet I must remind you of the power of Congress
over the Rebel States from _the necessity of the case_; because, after
the overthrow of legitimate governments, whose members were sworn to
support the Constitution of the United States, there was no other
rule possible for these States than that of Congress,--precisely as
the Territories, according to Chief Justice Marshall, in a famous
judgment, fell under “the power and jurisdiction of the United States”
from the necessity of the case.[257] I do not say that a State becomes
a technical Territory, as that term is understood among us; but I do
say, that, in the lapse of the Rebel States, and in the absence of
legitimate governments with members sworn to support the Constitution,
these States fell under “the power and jurisdiction of the United
States,”--meaning, practically, Congress,--until such time as they are
reorganized according to the requirement of the Constitution. In the
exercise of such a power and jurisdiction thus cast upon it, Congress
must see that all loyal citizens, without distinction of color, take
part in the formation of the new governments.[258]
* * * * *
2. Nor need I dwell on another source of power, found in _the rights
of war_; but this, too, must be made plain. Nobody doubts that the
United States were justified in asserting supremacy in the Rebel States
by force of arms. But the war, when once begun, was subject to all
the conditions of war, according to the rights of war found in the
Law of Nations,--doubly obligatory on us, first, because we belong to
the family of nations, and, secondly, because the Law of Nations is
expressly recognized by the Constitution itself. Now, according to
the rights of war found in the Law of Nations, a conquering power is
justified in requiring not only indemnity for the past, but security
for the future. It depends upon the people of the United States,
represented in Congress, to determine the guaranties of this security.
In support of this conclusion, I ask attention to a familiar authority,
whose statement seems to cover the case. I read from Vattel:--
“The whole right of the conqueror comes from that just
self-defence which comprehends the maintenance and prosecution
of his rights. When, therefore, he has entirely subdued a
hostile nation, he may undoubtedly, in the first place, do
himself justice with regard to that which gave rise to the
war, and indemnify himself for the expenses and damages it has
caused him; he may, according to the exigency of the case,
impose penalties upon the conquered nation by way of example;
he may even, if prudence require, _render it incapable of doing
harm so easily in future_.”[259]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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