I do not stop to exhibit the elective franchise as essential to the security of the freedman, without which he will be the prey of Slavery in some new form, and cannot rise to the stature of manhood. In opening this debate I presented the argument fully. Suffice it to say, that Emancipation will fail in beneficence, if you do not assure to the former slave all the rights of the citizen. Until you do this, your work will be only _half done_, and the freedman only _half a man_. * * * * * Such, Sir, are four sources of power,--each ample: first, the necessity of the case, as with Territories, where there is no other jurisdiction; secondly, the rights of war, under which all needful safeguards for the future may be required; thirdly, the duty to guaranty to every State in the Union a republican form of government; and, fourthly, the authority to “enforce” the abolition of Slavery by “appropriate legislation.” Out of each and all Congress may derive its power. It only remains that it should act as becomes the representatives of the American people. * * * * * Mr. President, as I am about to close, allow me to remind you once more, that, from the nature of the case and from the character of your obligations, the work of Emancipation must be completed by the National Government. It cannot be left to become the sport of sectional prejudice or wayward passion. It began with you, and it is for you to give it that final assurance to be found only in Enfranchisement. It is for you to “maintain” the former slave in the liberty he received at your hands. Such a duty cannot be renounced or delegated. It must be sacredly performed by the National Government, according to its original pledge in the Proclamation of Emancipation, and according to all the suggestions of reason. Humanity, too, joins in the cry. You cannot consent that the child Emancipation, born of your breath, shall be surrendered to the custody of enemies. Take it in your arms, I entreat you, and nurse it into strength. Be instructed by the examples of history, teaching that the masters of slaves cannot be trusted to legislate for them,--a conclusion announced by the best English statesmen, speaking from their experience, in words which I have often quoted. I refer to the concurring voice of Edmund Burke, George Canning, and Henry Brougham. Thus, by testimony as well as by reason, in harmony with the national pledge, we are admonished that the work must be done by the Nation.