For this reason, simply and briefly stated, I object to the motion of the Senator from Ohio. If I had powers of persuasion, I would use them all to induce you to remain as a guard to the National Constitution and a constabulary force for the Rebel States. Possibly you may not like the office. But I doubt if any of us can be better employed anywhere than in contributing to the success of Reconstruction, and in preserving peace throughout that distressed region of country. Sitting in our seats here, we are a mighty police, ready at the call of general or citizen, and also a terror to the evil-doer. Senators wish to leave. So do I. Nobody can wish to leave more than myself. I suffer much from these heats. I long to be at home. But I feel that it is my duty to be here. All that I have felt before is now intensified by the menace of this message. Hereafter no Senator can say that he did not know what to expect. He will not be taken by surprise. Here is distinct and open notice that the President will do all in his power to thwart your legislation and to arrest a just Reconstruction. There he stands, a constant impediment to peace, and an ally to the Rebellion. And yet, knowing these things, it is proposed to go home and leave him undisturbed master till winter. Mr. Sherman said: “It does seem to me a very strange thing that a judge, by whose vote alone the President can be removed, should declare that he must be removed. [Mr. Sumner said, “Or Congress must stay here to watch him.”]… If the House of Representatives desire to present an impeachment of any officer of the Government, I am perfectly willing to stay and try him. No such case is presented.” Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, said: “The Senator from Massachusetts who first spoke [Mr. SUMNER] maintains his usual position at the end of this session. I do not remember any occasion when that member supported a resolution of adjournment. I do not remember an occasion when he did not vote for reassembling, when the opportunity was afforded him, at an early date. In fact, I suspect, that, if the truth were known, the Senator from Massachusetts would be prepared with business the whole three hundred and sixty-five days of the year, and that, if we consulted his views, we should make a French revolutionary assemblage of the two Houses of Congress,--we should be in permanent session, without vacation and without recess.” He insisted that “we should withhold ourselves from the expression of judgment upon a question which is not here, and which cannot come here, unless it be brought here by the House of Representatives, over whose action we have no control.” This brought up Mr. Sumner again.