Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 16 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 16 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
Look a little further, and the reason of this indifference becomes
apparent. The old writ of _Quo Warranto_ was the only process
by which a case could be made, and this only at the suit of the
Attorney-General. Had the President made an order of removal, the
Secretary would have been compelled to hold only by virtue of the law
and the Constitution. In answer to the writ he would have pleaded
this protection, and the Court must have decided the validity of the
plea. Meanwhile he would have remained in office. Had he left, the
process would have failed, and there was none other by which he could
raise the question. The decision of the Supreme Court in _Wallace_ v.
_Anderson_[209] would prevent resort to a _Quo Warranto_ on his part,
while the earlier case of _Marbury_ v. _Madison_[210] would shut him
out from a _Mandamus_. The apologists have not suggested any other
remedy. It is clear, therefore, that Mr. Stanton’s possession of the
office was a _sine qua non_ to a case in the Supreme Court, and that
this could be only by _Quo Warranto_. The local attorney employed by
the President testifies that in such a case judgment could not be
reached within a year. This was enough to render it impracticable;
for, if commenced, it would leave the hated Secretary at his post
for the remainder of the Presidential term. During the pendency of
the proceeding Mr. Stanton would continue legitimate possessor of
the office. Therefore the commencement of a case would defeat the
Presidential passion for instant removal. True to his passion, he
removed the Secretary, well knowing that in this way he prevented a
case for the Court.
Against this conclusion, where all the testimony is harmonized,
we have certain fruitless conversations with his Cabinet, and an
attempt to raise the question on _Habeas Corpus_ after the arrest of
Adjutant-General Thomas. Conversations, whose exclusion has given a
handle to the apologists, which they do not fail to use, only show that
the President made this question a subject of talk, and that, in the
end, it became apparent that he could not make a case so as to remove
Mr. Stanton during his term, and as this was his darling object, the
whole idea was abandoned. The arrest of Adjutant-General Thomas seemed
for a moment to furnish another chance; but it is enough to say of the
futile attempt at that time, that it was not only after the removal of
Mr. Stanton, but after impeachment had been voted by the House.
Had the President been in earnest, it was very easy for him to make a
case by proceeding against a simple postmaster; but this did not suit
him. He was in earnest only to remove Mr. Stanton.
Nothing is clearer than that this Moot-Court Apology is a wretched
pretension and afterthought. It is the subterfuge of a criminal to
cover up his crime,--as if a surgeon had committed murder, and then set
up the apology that it was an experiment in science.
THE APOLOGY OF PREROGATIVE.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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