Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 17 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 17 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
As the fallen drunkard illustrates the evils of intemperance, so
does Mississippi illustrate the evils of Repudiation. Look at her!
But there are men who would degrade our Republic to this wretched
condition. Forgetting what is due to our good name as a nation
at home and abroad,--forgetting that the public interests are
bound up with the Public Faith, involving all economies, national
and individual,--forgetting that our transcendent position has
corresponding obligations, and that, as Nobility once obliged to great
duty, (“_Noblesse oblige_,”) so does Republicanism now,--there are men
who, forgetting all these things, would carry our Republic into this
terrible gulf, so full of shame and sacrifice. They begin by subtle
devices; but already the mutterings of open Repudiation are heard. I
denounce them all, whether device or muttering; and I denounce that
political party which lends itself to the outrage.
* * * * *
Repudiation means Confiscation, and in the present case confiscation
of the property of loyal citizens. With unparalleled generosity
the nation has refused to confiscate Rebel property; and now it is
proposed to confiscate Loyal property. When I expose Repudiation
as Confiscation, I mean to be precise. Between two enactments, one
requiring the surrender of property without compensation, and the other
declaring that the nation shall not and will not pay an equal amount
according to solemn promise, there can be no just distinction. The two
are alike. The former might alarm a greater number, because on its
face more demonstrative. But analyze the two, and you will see that
in each private property is taken by the nation without compensation,
and appropriated to its own use. Therefore do I say, Repudiation is
Confiscation.
* * * * *
A favorite device of Repudiation is to pay the national debt in
“greenbacks,”--in other words, to pay bonds bearing interest with mere
promises not bearing interest,--violating, in the first place, a rule
of honesty, which forbids such a trick, and, in the second place, a
rule of law, which refuses to recognize an inferior obligation as
payment of a superior. Here, in plain terms, is repudiation of the
interest and indefinite postponement of the principal. This position,
when first broached, contemplated nothing less than an infinite
issue of greenbacks, flooding the country, as France was flooded by
_assignats_, and utterly destroying values of all kinds. Although, in
its present more moderate form, it is limited to payment by existing
greenbacks, yet it has the same radical injustice. Interest-bearing
bonds are to be paid with non-interest-bearing bits of paper. The
statement of the case is enough. Its proposer would never do this thing
in his own affairs; but how can he ask his country to do what honesty
forbids in private life?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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