It only remains, come what may, that we should at all hazards preserve this Public Faith,--never forgetting that honesty is not only the best policy, but the Golden Rule. For myself, I see nothing more practical, at this moment, than, first, at all points to oppose the Democracy, and, secondly, to insist that yet awhile longer ex-Rebels shall be excused from copartnership in government. Do not think me harsh; do not think me austere. I am not. I will not be outdone by anybody in clemency; nor at the proper time will I be behind any one in opening all doors of office and trust. But the proper time has not yet come. There must be security for the future, unquestionable and ample, before I am ready; and this I would require not only for the sake of the national freedman and the national creditor, but for the sake of the country containing the interests of all, and also of the ex-Rebel himself, whose truest welfare is in that peace where all controversy shall be extinguished forever. In this there is nothing but equity and prudence according to received precedents. The ancient historian declares that the ancestors of Rome, the most religious of men, took nothing from the vanquished but the license to do wrong: “_Nostri majores, religiosissimi mortales, … neque victis quicquam præter injuriæ licentiam eripiebant_.”[105] These are the words of Sallust. I know no better example for our present guidance. Who can object, if men recently arrayed against their country are told to stand aside yet a little longer, until all are secure in their rights? Here is no fixed exclusion,--nothing of which there can be any just complaint,--nothing, which is not practical, wise, humane,--nothing which is not born of justice rather than victory. In the establishment of Equal Rights conquest loses its character, and is no longer conquest;-- “For then both parties nobly are subdued, And neither party loser.”[106] Even in the uncertainty of the future it is easy to see that the national freedman and the national creditor have a common fortune. In the terrible furnace of war they were joined together, nor can they be separated until the rights of both are fixed beyond change. Therefore, could my voice reach them, I would say, “Freedman, stand by the creditor! Creditor, stand by the freedman!” And to the people I would say, “Stand by both!” * * * * * From affairs at home I turn to affairs abroad, and here I wish to speak cautiously. In speaking at all I break a vow with myself not to open my lips on these questions except in the Senate. I yield to friendly pressure. And yet I know no reason why I should not speak. It was Talleyrand who, to somebody apologizing for what might be an indiscreet question, replied, that an answer might be indiscreet, but not a question. My answer shall at least be frank.