west Shensi and Kansu provinces; and the Patrick Henrys from turbulent Fukien province. The Throne is compelled to promise a Lower House in 1913 instead of 1915, and at last, in its edict, gives all credit to the crushed reformer, Emperor Kwang Hsu, who learned reform from the Bible and other western books surreptitiously introduced despite the eunuch spies of the reactionary Empress Dowager Tse Hsi. This preliminary Senate stormily sends a suggestion to the oligarchic Grand Council of the Regent that reform shall be evidenced by the regent and the infant Emperor Pu Yi having their queues cut off. Thus the spirited debate rolled back and forth between the old Grand Council and the new Congress or Parliament, until the guns of the impatient revolution thundered at Hankau, like Cromwell on the doors of the Long Parliament. Confucius himself was a politician. He lived in an age of able prime ministers of some ten highly civilized, equal states, fighting generally by diplomacy for mastery, on the pretext of the right to monopolize the succession to perform the sacred rites of the parent Chou state, which alone was weak. These prime ministers were all abler men than were the titular rulers of the states. Confucius studied diplomacy in the writings of Kwan Tsz, premier-philosopher of the adjoining Tsi state. Kwan Tsz’ writings are sometimes published with Lao Tsz’ works, but should not be confounded with them. Confucius was also influenced by his friend, the great diplomat, Shuh Hiang, prime minister of the Tsin state, which was situated far to the northwest of his native state of Lu; also by the very able minister Tsz Chan of the state of Cheng, which lay west of Lu. He had to keep his wits awake to save the small and weaker Lu state from succumbing to the policies of the ambitious Yen Tsz, prime minister of the Tsi state, which was situated immediately north of Lu, and from falling before the intrigue of Kupeh Yu, prime minister of Wei state, lying to the northwest. This last state afforded Confucius a long exile, when his vicious, ungrateful, new prince hounded him for fourteen years by an ancient system of “Black List” out of his positions with some thirty states, content neither to use his eminent services, nor to let him live that other states might avail of them. He knew too much about law-breaking by those who occupied the “seats of the mighty”; and “such men are dangerous”! Devoted as they are to the study of Confucius’ life, the Chinese thereby imbibed politics.