China's Revolution, 1911-1912: A Historical and Political Record of the Civil WarDingle, Edwin John
History
China's Revolution, 1911-1912: A Historical and Political Record of the Civil War
Dingle, Edwin John
China -- History -- Revolution, 1911-1912
"Much of the backwardness of the Chinese nation, as a nation,"
retorted Sun Fa Shu, "has been due largely to the misrule of the
Manchu Dynasty. Everybody knows it. Everybody admits it. Its first
principle has been how to keep the people of China as ignorant and as
poor as possible. For knowledge and wealth, when acquired by the
Chinese, cannot but impair the supremacy of the Manchus, which has
been maintained, like highway robbery, by sheer force. A China
emancipated, therefore, means a China prosperous and enlightened.
Except one or two nations whose principles are not above those of the
Manchus, and who delight in land-grabbing and carnage of warfare, we
feel sure that the world desires China to be a progressive and
enlightened country."
"But do you think the Revolutionary party, as it is, strong enough to
establish conditions which shall permanently make for peace and real
progress?"
At this point Mr. Hu Ying spoke. He said that he was convinced that
they could, and if at first they could not institute ideal
conditions, they would if they were given time. "The Anglo-Saxons,"
he continued, "have taught the world the great lesson of government
by representation--the Revolutionary movement aims at what they have
shown us. We aim at the overthrow {182} of a decadent Court, and the
establishment of a Government which shall respond to the will of the
people. In the endeavour to bring about such a representative
government, Young China, we know full well, has much to learn. But
it has been conceded by all people that there is no school so
efficient as the----"
Hu Ying was waiting for a word when the third delegate, a graduate
from one of the American universities and an ardent enthusiast in the
New Government, gave the translation as "the school of experience,
the school of 'hard knocks,'" and thereby caused a smile.
"And," went on Hu, "let us have a chance to learn, and in a decade or
two the world shall see the possibilities and genius of our people
for representative government."
"What do you consider the main point upon which the two parties will
have difficulty in seeing eye to eye about at the Peace Conference?"
I asked of the three.
Simultaneously they spoke, and then the two gave way to Sun Fa Hsu.
With fitting dignity he replied that the one solitary point which the
Revolutionists would never waive was their demand for the abolition
of the Manchu Dynasty. And so these three representatives of the
Revolutionary party of Wuchang were of one determined mind upon this
vital question; their party would waive anything else, perhaps, but
not that. They were immovable. I suggested that perhaps if peace
terms could not be arranged they might be forced to give way even on
this point also. But they said they would not; "No, if there must be
Manchu rule again, then we must again go to war, much as we do not
wish to. And there are thousands who will die before they again
submit.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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