China's Revolution, 1911-1912: A Historical and Political Record of the Civil WarDingle, Edwin John
History
China's Revolution, 1911-1912: A Historical and Political Record of the Civil War
Dingle, Edwin John
China -- History -- Revolution, 1911-1912
success of the movement seems to have not only affected for the worse
the principles of its leaders and the morals of the {265} Taipings,
but also to have attracted a great many of the baser sort to it. Dr.
Martin, in his "A Cycle of Cathay," says: "He, the Tien-wang,
sanctioned robbery and violence, and himself set the example of
polygamy, an example eagerly followed by his subordinates, who had no
scruple in filling their harems with the wives and daughters of their
enemies." The opinion of the outside Powers concerning the
insurgents was not improved by the atrocities of a horde of
secret-society men, who belonged to the Triad Society, and were
sometimes called Redheads. These were regarded as being part of the
Taiping Army, though having really no connection with it or with the
aims of its leaders. Their awful cruelty and bloodshed in capturing
Shanghai not only induced the French to expel them, but alienated the
sympathies of the foreign Powers from the Taipings themselves. One
other fact should be mentioned. The foreign merchants were also
prejudiced against the rebels. This is easily understandable. Trade
was at a standstill throughout one-third of the Empire, and that the
part most easily accessible; and at the same time the stringent laws
against the use of opium caused the sympathies of some to be against
the movement. First, an American, General Ward, organised a force of
foreigners and natives and showed the Chinese Government what a
trained soldiery could do. Then, General Gordon was lent to the
Imperialists by the British Government. One by one the cities were
retaken, until at last, with the fall of Nanking, after a protracted
siege and the suicide of the Tien-wang, the rebellion came to an end.
At this juncture of the present Revolution, when so many are
clamouring for foreign intervention, and when individual foreigners
are taking it upon themselves to address the leaders of the parties
in the interests of an early peace, it is well to pause and give due
weight to the arguments of the other side. From the very beginning
of this struggle the foreign Powers have {266} been firmly but
respectfully asked to keep their hands off. This is a domestic
matter. The Chinese wish to be allowed to fight the thing out. A
premature patching up of so great an upheaval would be far more
disastrous than a peace deferred. The movement is a people's
movement. The nation knows its own mind on the matter, and is intent
on seeing its will carried into effect. That will may be guided into
right and safe channels; but to thwart it by interference from
without would be like attempting to dam up the Yangtze--an operation
fraught with dire disaster to all concerned.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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