How accurately Madison himself knew all this, how accurately he knew that the Philadelphia proposal would validate neither proposed Articles nor proposed mode of ratification, and that Congress proposal in the future would never validate either proposed Article or proposed mode of ratification, he has not left to speculation. It was the charge of the opponents of the proposed Constitution that the Philadelphia Convention had exceeded its powers in proposing those Articles. Madison defended himself and his Philadelphia associates in _The Federalist_, Number 40, published in the New York _Packet_ on Friday, January 18, 1788. With his logical mind, he echoed the knowledge of Wilson and his other colleagues, who had drafted and proposed the Articles and proposed their ratification by the “people” or “conventions” of the Seventh and the Fifth Articles. It was his knowledge, as it was their knowledge, that the Philadelphia proposals were, as the future Congress proposals would be, no exercise of power and that the validity of any Article, proposed at Philadelphia or proposed by Congress, must always depend, not _merely_ upon its being ratified in the mode proposed respectively by Philadelphia or by Congress, but also--and immeasurably the most important test of valid ratification--upon its being ratified by ratifiers competent to make the particular Article. It was his knowledge, as it was their knowledge, as it is now our knowledge, that if a proposed Article directly interfere with or grant power to interfere with human freedom, as the First Article, or the Eighteenth Amendment, it can never be validly made by government but only by the “people” of the Tenth Amendment; the “conventions” of the “Seventh” and “Fifth” Articles.