Sitting in those old conventions, we now have read the procedural provisions of the Fifth Article up to the point where proposals bring, in a _constitutional_ manner, a proposed new Article to makers with existing ability to make the particular Article which has come to them. We now read with interest the next chronological step of the procedural provisions, the mention of the two existing makers of Articles--the state legislatures, makers of federal or declaratory Articles, and the “conventions” of the American citizens, makers of any Article. We are actually sitting in “conventions” identical with those named in the Fifth Article. We are in the “conventions” mentioned in the Seventh Article and named therein by exactly the same word as is used in the Fifth Article, the word “conventions.” Both Seventh and Fifth Articles have been worded at Philadelphia. We, assembled in the “conventions” named in the Seventh Article, are the whole American people. In our conventions, so assembled, we are to make both the Seventh and the Fifth Articles, with their common use of exactly the same word “conventions.” And so we understand, with a knowledge which nothing can disturb, that the “conventions” of the Fifth Article mean exactly what the “conventions” of the Seventh Article mean. Thus we know, with knowledge which nothing can disturb, that the “conventions,” named in both Articles, are the American people, only competent makers (in 1787 or at any future time) of _national_ Articles which interfere with or grant power to interfere with the individual freedom of the American citizen. We recall vividly the proposal that came from Philadelphia eleven years earlier or in 1776, that the Americans in each former colony constitute a government with such powers to interfere with the human freedom of its citizens. We recall that such governments were constituted in what Marshall states to be the only way in which men can act safely, effectively or wisely, when constituting government of themselves, namely, by assembling in “conventions.” We also recall vividly the proposal that came from the same Philadelphia a year later or in 1777, that the states constitute a federal government of states. And we recall that the state legislatures, because they possessed existing ability to make _federal_ Articles, did validly make the _federal_ Articles suggested in that proposal.