Clemenceau, the Man and His TimeHyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
History
Clemenceau, the Man and His Time
Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
Clemenceau, Georges, 1841-1929; France -- Politics and government -- 1870-1940
The editor of _l'Aurore_ called upon that courageous and indefatigable
champion of Dreyfus; and comparison of the handwriting of Esterhazy,
the chief witness against the captain, with that of the _bordereau_
attributed to Dreyfus and decisive of his guilt, convinced Clemenceau,
not that Dreyfus was innocent, but that the judgment had been quite
irregular. Therefore he resolved to begin a campaign for a revision
of the case. He did not share Scheurer-Kestner's view as to the
enormous difficulty and danger of such an undertaking. Trouble and
misrepresentation he anticipated. Bitter opposition from the members
of the court and of the General Staff--Yes. Virulent misrepresentation
due to priestly hatred--Yes. Unceasing malignity of anti-Semites--Yes.
Strong political objection to any reopening of a "_chose jugée_," on
public grounds--Yes. But, in spite of all, the truth in modern France
would easily and triumphantly prevail! "Events showed me how very far
out I was in my calculations."
As on more than one occasion in his stormy life, therefore, Clemenceau
underrated the strength of the enemy. He had to contend against a
combination of some of the strongest interests and passions that
can affect human life and sentiment. There had been from the very
commencement a bitter feeling among some of the most powerful sections
of French society against the Republic. As was shown in the rise
of Boulanger, Clemenceau, by exposing the drawbacks of successive
Republican Governments, had done much to strengthen this feeling
among its opponents and to weaken the loyalty of its supporters.
There was, in fact, nothing in the Republic itself to be enthusiastic
about. It was essentially a bourgeois Republic, living on in a welter
of bourgeois scandals, unbalanced by any great policy at home, any
great military successes abroad, or any great personalities at the
head of affairs. The glories of France were dimmed: the financiers of
France--especially the Jew financiers--were more influential than ever.
All this helped the party of reaction.
Religion, too, had come in to fortify finance and build up the
anti-Semite group. The Catholics, to whom Jews and Free-Masons are
the red flags of the political and social bull ring, had not very
long before challenged the former to deadly combat in that Field of
the Cloth of Gold on which, to use the phrase of one of their less
enlightened competitors, they "do seem a sort of inspired." It is
possible that had the Catholic Union Générale listened to the advice
of their ablest and coolest brain, who was, be it said, neither a
Frenchman nor a Catholic, the great financial combination of the
Church, with all its sanctified funds of the faithful behind it, might
have won. Even as it was, it drove a Rothschild to commit suicide,
which was regarded as a great feat at the time.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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