Clemenceau, the Man and His TimeHyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
History
Clemenceau, the Man and His Time
Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
Clemenceau, Georges, 1841-1929; France -- Politics and government -- 1870-1940
All this formed a formidable phalanx of organised enmity against any
officer who might not suit the prejudices or, at a critical moment,
might be dangerous to the plans of people who, differ as they might in
other matters, were at one in disliking capable soldiers who were not
of their particular set. And here was Dreyfus, who embodied in his own
person all their most cherished hatreds, who could be made the means of
striking a blow at all similar intruders upon their preserve, in such
wise as greatly to injure all their enemies at once. Unfortunately for
him, Dreyfus was at the same time an able officer--so much the more
dangerous, therefore--and personally not an agreeable man. Not even
their best friends would deny to clever Jews the virtue of arrogance.
Dreyfus was arrogant. He was not a grateful person to his superiors or
to his equals. They all wanted to get rid of him on their own account,
and their friends outside were ready enough to embitter them against
him because he was a Jew.
This is not to say that there was an elaborate plot afoot among all
who were brought in contact with Dreyfus, or that, when the charge
against him was formulated, there was a deliberate intention, on the
part of the members of the Court Martial, to find him guilty, no matter
what happened. But it is now quite certain that, from the first, the
idea that he was a spy was agreeable to his fellow-officers in the
Ministry of War; and, being satisfied as to his responsibility for the
crime that they wished to believe him guilty of, they did not stick
at trifles, in the matter of procedure and testimony, which might
relieve their consciences and justify their judgment. Knowing, then,
the powerful combination which would oppose to the death any revision
of Dreyfus's trial, Scheurer-Kestner, resolute and self-sacrificing as
he was, might well take a less sanguine view than Clemenceau of the
probabilities of certain victory as soon as the truth was made known.
But when once he began to doubt whether Dreyfus had had fair play,
Clemenceau immediately showed those qualities of personal and
political courage, persistence, disregard of popularity, and power
of concentrating all his forces upon the immediate matter in hand,
indifferent to the numbers and strength of his opponents, which had
gained him so high a place in the estimation of all democrats and
lovers of fair play long before. "If there are manifest probabilities
of error, the case must be revised." That was his view. But the
National Army and the National Religion, as bitter opponents of justice
put it, were one and indivisible on this matter. Militarism and
Jesuitism together, backed by the high society of reaction and a large
section of the bourgeoisie, constituted a stalwart array in favour of
the perpetuation of injustice. There was literally scarce a crime of
which this combination was not capable rather than admit that by any
possibility a Court Martial on a Jew captain could go wrong.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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