Clemenceau, the Man and His TimeHyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
History
Clemenceau, the Man and His Time
Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
Clemenceau, Georges, 1841-1929; France -- Politics and government -- 1870-1940
Seated comfortably in his delightful library, surrounded by splendid
Japanese works of art, of which at that time he was an ardent
collector, M. Clemenceau had spoken very freely indeed. Of course, he
knew quite well that I was no mere interviewer for Press purposes,
and, indeed, I have always made it a rule to keep such conversations,
except perhaps for permitted indiscretions here and there, entirely
to myself. There is no need for me to enlarge upon his quick and
almost abrupt delivery, his apt remarks and illustrations, his bright,
clever, vigorous face and gestures. I put it to him that Socialism was
the basis of the coming political party in France and that, vehement
individualist as he might be himself, it was impossible for him to
resist permanently the current of the time, or to remain merely a
supremely powerful critic and organiser of overthrow. Sooner or later
he must succumb to the inevitable and take his seat as President of
Council, and to do this with any hope of success or usefulness he would
have to rely in an increasing degree upon Socialist and semi-Socialist
support.
To this Clemenceau answered that he was quite contented with his
existing position; that he had no wish to enter upon office with its
responsibilities and corrupting influence; while, as to Socialism, that
could never make way in France in his day.
"Looking only at the towns," he said, "you may think otherwise, though
even there I consider the progress of Socialism is overrated. But the
towns do not govern France. The overwhelming majority of French voters
are country voters. France means rural France, and the peasantry of
France will never be Socialists. Nobody can know them better than my
family and I know them. Landed proprietors ourselves--my father's
passion for buying land to pay him three per cent. with borrowed money
for which he had to pay four per cent. would have finally ruined him,
but that our wholesome French law permits gentle interference in such
a case--we have ever lived with and among the peasantry. We have
been doctors from generation to generation, and have doctored them
gratuitously, as I did myself, both in country and in town. I have seen
them very close, in birth and in death, in sickness and in health,
in betrothal and in marriage, in poverty and in well-being, and all
the time their one idea is property; to possess, to own, to provide
a good portion for the daughter, to secure a good and well _dot_-ed
wife for the son. Always _property_, ownership, possession, work,
thrift, acquisition, individual gain. Socialism can never take root
in such a soil as this. North or south, it is just the same. Preach
nationalisation of the land in a French village, and you would barely
escape with your life, if the peasants understood what you meant. Come
with me for a few weeks' trip through rural France, and you will soon
understand the hopelessness of Socialism here. It will encounter a
personal fanaticism stronger than its own.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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