Two States prohibit their employment in
any industry using abrasives. In four States they are not allowed to
oil moving machinery. Three regulate their employment in core-making;
and four regulate the amount of the weight that they may be required to
lift--the maximum ranging, oddly enough, from fifteen pounds in Ohio
and Pennsylvania to seventy-four pounds in Massachusetts. In addition
to those regulations which prohibit women from working in certain
occupations or under certain conditions, “each State,” says the Women’s
Bureau, “has many laws and rulings which prescribe the conditions
under which women should work, covering such matters as the lifting
of weights, provision of seats, and proper provision for sanitation
and comfort.” In six States, industrial commissions have power to make
regulations for the health and welfare of workers. In three, the
commissions have power to make regulations for women and minors only,
and in one, for women, minors, learners, and apprentices.
Perhaps the most striking thing about all these multiform regulations
governing the employment of women is the amount of misplaced zeal that
they denote. “In most cases,” says the Women’s Bureau, “the laws which
prohibit their employment have little bearing on the real hazards to
which they are exposed.... Prohibiting the employment of women on
certain dusty processes does not solve the problem of any industrial
disease in a community. Men are also liable to contract pulmonary
diseases from exposure to dusts.... It is very possible that under the
guise of ‘protection’ women may be shut out from occupations which are
really less harmful to them than much of the tedious, heavy work both
in the home and in the factory which has long been considered their
special province. _Safe standards of work for women must come to be
safe standards for men also if women are to have an equal chance in
industry._” The italics are mine. It is worth mentioning here that
only two States prohibit the employment of women in the lead-industry,
which so far is the only one that has been proved more harmful to
women than to men. The mass of legislation and regulation designed
to protect women from the fatigues and hazards of industry would
seem, then, to have been animated more by chivalry than by scientific
knowledge; and while chivalry may be all very well in its place, it can
hardly be expected to solve the industrial problem of women.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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