Congressional government : $b a study in American politicsWilson, Woodrow
History
Congressional government : $b a study in American politics
Wilson, Woodrow
Executive power -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Congress
Congress, consequently, is still lingering and chafing under just such
embarrassments as made the English Commons a nuisance both to
themselves and to everybody else immediately after the Revolution
Settlement had given them their first sure promise of supremacy. The
parallel is startlingly exact. "In outer seeming the Revolution of 1688
had only transferred the sovereignty over England from James to William
and Mary. In actual fact it had given a powerful and decisive impulse to
the great constitutional progress which was transferring the sovereignty
from the King to the House of Commons. From the moment when its sole
right to tax the nation was established by the Bill of Rights, and when
its own resolve settled the practice of granting none but annual
supplies to the Crown, the House of Commons became the supreme power in
the State.... But though the constitutional change was complete, the
machinery of government was far from having adapted itself to the new
conditions of political life which such a change brought about. However
powerful the will of the Commons might be, it had no means of bringing
its will directly to bear on the control of public affairs. The
ministers who had charge of them were not its servants but the servants
of the Crown; it was from the King that they looked for direction, and
to the King that they held themselves responsible. By impeachment or
more indirect means the Commons could force a king to remove a minister
who contradicted their will; but they had no constitutional power to
replace the fallen statesman by a minister who would carry out their
will.
"The result was the growth of a temper in the Lower House which drove
William and his ministers to despair. It became as corrupt, as jealous
of power, as fickle in its resolves and factious in its spirit as bodies
always become whose consciousness of the possession of power is
untempered by a corresponding consciousness of the practical
difficulties or the moral responsibilities of the power which they
possess. It grumbled ... and it blamed the Crown and its ministers for
all at which it grumbled. But it was hard to find out what policy or
measures it would have preferred. Its mood changed, as William bitterly
complained, with every hour.... The Houses were in fact without the
guidance of recognized leaders, without adequate information, and
destitute of that organization out of which alone a definite policy can
come."[62]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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